Historians in search of a method in the early twentieth century adopted
a motto first: Cicero’s “Ne quid falsi audeat, ne quid veri non audeat
historia”- which has been translate in various ways, like "Let him dare to
say nothing false, nor fail to say anything true.” Unlike the study of, say,
horses, the human historian is dealing mostly with humans who are always saying
false things, and always believe, in one or another circumstance, false things,
and who often have reasonable suspicions about saying true things, either
because they are inconvenient and endangering, or because they invoke causes
that are either utterly opaque or utterly incredible.
Yesterday I, an inhabitant of Paris since 2010, went for the very first
time to visit Versailles. I went, I should say, in my first year in Paris to
Fontainebleau, and I have gone back many times. Similarly, I have visited many
of the famous Chateaux along the Loire. Versailles, however, spooked me. The
King it celebrates, Louis XIV, is on my list of evil rulers. I am, by nature, a
Fronde-ist, and that autocratic, bewigged harem keeper arouses an interior howl
of protest that touches all things Quatorzieme.
Nevertheless, visiting it with Adam and A., I was suitably bowled over.
After a while, though, the magnificence becomes rather sad. It is a palace that
few people, few kings and queens, could inhabit with any comfort. It seems so
utterly stripped of intimacy. Unlike Fontainebleau, there is no Renaissance
behind this profusion of painting and sculpture; the nymphs have departed,
replaced by grand effigies of nymphs.
Which is very unfair.
However, the melancholy of the place really hit me in the “war” room,
which, with its paintings of Napoleon’s battles, of General Rochambeau at
Yorktown, etc., didn’t exist in the Roi Soleil’s time, or at least with these
paintings. What paintings! This vast wing is hung with paintings of battles
that are on canvases taller than I am and wider than a big sofa. All are of
battles won by the French. Hence, I believe, no Waterloo, no Sedan, no flight
from Paris as the Nazis advanced.
A battle is an ontologically difficult thing – named usually for a place
where it iconically happens, even if it happens in reality in many places at
once. From the Bhagavad-Gita to The Charterhouse of Parma, the combatant and
the combat have formed an uneasy duo, a witness to the mystery of events.
Moving across the room, overshadowed by these towering scenes of
decorous slaughter and horseback glory, one longs for peace, for a much less
bloody kind of pastoral. To traverse that room is to become, briefly perhaps, a
pacifist.
In 1929, a book was published by a French-American historian,
Jean-Norton Cru: Temoins – Witnesses. It provoked a scandal in France as
intense as Remarque’s novel provoked in Germany. It asked about the combatant’s
experience in histories that spoke about war from the point of view,
exclusively, of the commanders and politicians, of those outside the charnel
circle of combat. For Cru, the « Stendhal » paradox has been cruelly
misunderstood.
When Fabrice del Dongo, a 17 year old idealist, “wanders through” the
battle of Waterloo without finding it, so to speak, the paradox has been
interpreted to mean that the combatant, the skin and bones and senses on the
field, is disqualified as a witness to the battle as a whole – we must leave
that to the commanders. Cru believed that Fabrice’s experience was, on the
contrary, with its fragmentation, gaps in information, and zigzags exactly the
battlefield experience history was failing to transmit:
“These questions, I asked them, like many another soldier without a
doubt, from the day when, in 1914, the contact, the brutal shock of formidable
realities of the the war reduced into bits my bookish conception of the acts
and sentiments of the soldier in combat, a historical conception that, naively,
I believed scientific. I then understood that I did not know war with a total
ignorance of its foundation, its truth, all that which is applicable to every
war, and that this ignorance brought in its train the ruin of all the opinions
from whence it was derived.”
In this moment, Cru believed – and in this he was, perhaps unwittingly,
a cousin to the modernist artists of his generation – that the problem was in
imposing a totality on the mass of voices and consciousnesses, rather than
letting that totality emerge from the mass of voices and consciousnesses. Just
as Dublin on June 14, 1904, was the emergent structure of its dreaming and
interior monologuing inhabitants, so too was World War 1 an emergent structure
that command and the state claimed and defined by inverting the order of
reality.
Cru’s equivalent to Fabrice del Dongo’s 18 June 1815 experience was
Verdun, where he was posted on Jan. 17, 1917. He was part of a squadron
relieving another squadron, which had been ordered to dig a trench. The trench,
the new squadron found, was undug.
“The poor guys had tried, but even though they have finished other work
in easier terrain, they couldn’t begin to penetrate this conglomerate of stones
and dirt, all frozen together, as compact as concrete. Remember the rigors of
that winter. On our arrival, the virtual trench was assigned to us and we were
told that the whatever it takes of the corps had been so energetic that the
work had been dubbed finished – in counting on warmer temperatures to permit
digging the trench. But the freeze persisted. »
Thus, on the maps used by the generals, a trench existed because the
trench had been ordered. Against this was the reality of the territory facing
the men in Cru’s squadron, where the trench did not exist, and could not exist,
in spite of the squad’s efforts, due to temperature and terrain.
Who, here, was lost? The grunt or the commanders?
“Our division inherited firstly the miseries of those poor soldiers : in
the course of six days on the line, I lost my entire squadron, a quarter of the
men were killed or wounded, three quarters were evacuated due to frostbite.”
Cru operationalizes a recognizably Cartesian dualism between the spirit
and the body, but turns the cognitive hierarchy upside down: it is the body
that knows, while the spirit loses itself in abstraction.
Cru was not a Marxist. But he wrote a book that significantly altered
historiography, introduced the ways and means to write a history from the
bottom up. A modernist history, if you will, and one that will never be
plastered on the walls of wings of palaces.