Blues
“I’m so bored. I hate my life.” - Britney Spears
Das Langweilige ist interessant geworden, weil das Interessante angefangen hat langweilig zu werden. – Thomas Mann
"Never for money/always for love" - The Talking Heads
Wednesday, October 07, 2020
Blues
Tuesday, October 06, 2020
The Machine Stops
Michael Kammen’s 1980s book about the Constitution in
American culture had one of those great titles, the kind of thing that Bob
Dylan might appropriate for a song lyric: The Machine that would go of itself.
Kammen took the title from a lecture given in the 1880s by James Russell
Lowell:
“After our Constitution got fairly into working order it
really seemed as if we had invented a machine that would go of itself, and this
begot a faith in our luck which even the civil war itself but momentarily
disturbed.”
Oh these machines! Russell’s phrase gives us that shock of
recognition which is something akin to deja-vu – it is one of those phrases that seem
already to have been written or spoken somewhere, to be on the tip of the
collective tongue.. A machine that would go of itself is what the classical
liberal and the neo-liberal dream of the social is all about – a machine for governance,
a market machine, a rational choice machine in the consumer’s head, etc. They
are not “turned on” but mystically take their charge from equilibrium itself.
The dream is that the market is our collective intelligent
servant and master, knowing everything by its very structure. The state is as
small as possible, vis a vis the market, which is controlled by the trade and
traffic in private hands (never mind that the company is anything but a private
entity). However, the state is as large as it needs to be in order to control
the non-virtuous citizens. All citizens, though, are given their turn to vote
for a preselected range of “representatives”, from president to city council
member.
Lowell continued his speech: “And this confidence in our
luck with absorbation in material interests, generated by unparalleled
opportunity, has in some respects made us neglectful of our political duties.”
What Lowell sees as a fault, hearkening back to an earlier era
of republican virtue, is seen, by the neoliberal, as a virtue: the political
economy is de-politicized. The end of history is the end of politics, at least
on what Nietzsche called the “Grand scale” – a scale that would attempt,
massively, to annul the exploitation and alienation that are not so much
byproducts of the machine as its very fuel. The scheme was to drain politics
into smaller venues, fights over TV shows and small scale scandals among the
disposables in the political class. The feeling of powerlessness that the
machines inevitably cause in the populace could be compensated by other forms
of power – like the power of choosing to buy one object over another, fruit
loops over raison bran, the minimansion over the fixer upper suburban ranch
house, ad infinitum. Nobody would notice that their lives were slipping by. And
if they did, there were now a number of opioids and anti-depressants that would
do just the trick.
That was then. This is now. Now is more the era of Fosters’s
The Machine Stops. We’ve discovered that the machines keep not going of
themselves. We’ve discovered that the marvelous private enterprise machine, for
instance, keeps going up in flames and exploding, and is only reconstructed by
the government machine forking out trillions of dollars to bankers and their
friends. We’ve discovered the environmental machine is falling apart, quickly.
We’ve discovered that consumer choice among the pharmaceuticals hasn’t rid us
of our despair, but has dispatched a good many of us via the O.D. And all of
this is happening in synch.
In other words, politics on the grand scale is back. It is
getting more likely every year that the next time one of the machines explodes
in flames, there will be such resistance to putting it back together again that
all the machines will have to be … reconstructed.
Monday, October 05, 2020
Lord Rochester
Saturday, October 03, 2020
Dis-identification politics
To judge that a thing is bad is a philosophical
task, but in the novel of real life, we more often judge that a person is bad.
We more often think, that is, about how we don’t want to be or function like X,
and create a negative figure out of that moment of negative choice. Those are
the figures, in essence, that we compete with. And often, the badness of the
figure becomes stronger than the reasons we hold an act or a function to be
bad. Out of this comes snobbery and wounded dignity. The latter emerges from
the moment in which we are squeezed between the figure that represents ‘how we
don’t want to be’ and something that upsets our judgment about how we don’t
want to be. I don’t want to be a liberal academic, or a poser, or a fan of
country music, or a supporter of Donald Trump, or Bernie Sanders, etc., etc.
translates into a satisfying comparison that emphasizes why I am not like
liberal academics, posers, fans of country music, supporters of Trump or Sanders
or whoever. At least I am not like X: This is the moral stance of the
contemporary hero.
Sketching out this aspect of moral life, it points to a
problem in the way sociologists mapping out our positive identifications as
primary. That’s an idealistic stance. Dis-identification is just as important.
It might seem like the logical endpoint of “how we don’t want
to be” is enmity. But the fundamental situation of the self versus the enemy is
in combat, and there is always something mortal about enemies. You wish your
enemies dead. Your enemies wish you dead. Whereas dis-identification is more
about edging away from people, and there’s a different fundamental situation
that models it: being surrounded by.
Being surrounded by Republicans. Being surrounded by woke types. Being
surrounded by lefties, righties, pinkos, rednecks, yahoos, jerkoffs, feminazis,
dittoheads. Whatever. To be surrounded by cuts off the ability to edge away.
Terrifyingly, to an outsider, one can be identified with the crowd of ‘how we
don’t want to be.’
This is the great insight of the classical English comic
writers. In French literature, the thousand meannesses of everyday life are
treated as though they have a certain grandeur – think of Lisbeth’s revenge in
Cousine Bette – since the French have a genius for enmity. In English and to a certain extent the
anglophone culture, those meannesses
are filtered through the comedy of wounded dignity or snobbery, since the
English genius is for edging away. Dickens had a gift for showing the dis-identifying
gesture, and his most famous autobiographical image, of David Copperfield in
the blacking factory, combines the sense of being surrounded, the sense of
being in the wrong crowd, and the crisis of identification with the intensity
of some Anglo myth of origins.
Canetti, in Crowds and Power, investigates the
powerful theme of the sudden, unwanted contact – in relation to the morphology
of the crowd. Dis-indentification is related to the most primal form of
politics, that which comes out of a stick or a club.
A branch which broke off in the hand was the origin of the
stick. Enemies could be feded off with a stick and space made for the primitive
creature who perhaps no more than resembled man. Seen from a tree, the stick
was the weapon which lay nearest to hand. Man put his trust in it and has never
abandoned it. It was a cudgel; sharpened it became a spear; bend and the ends
tied together, a bow; skillfully cut, it made arrows. But through all these transformations
it remained what it had been originally: an instrument to create distance,
something which kept away from the touch and the grasp that they feared. In the
same way that the upright human stance still retains a measure of grandeur, so,
through all its transformations the stick has never wholly lost its magical
quality; as scepter and sorcerer’s wand it has remained the attribute of two
important forms of power.
Thursday, October 01, 2020
A day in the life in Paris
Monday, September 28, 2020
A good day to talk about taxes: reprising the problem with the liberal board game metaphor
the liberal myth of the economy as a board game
The metaphor-world of economics is never more entangled in its antinomies – like a crippled spider in its own web – than when it comes up against the odd question of the distribution of wealth. The neo-classic mainstream exists, in fact, in a world that it only recognizes as an irritant on the way to the utopian moment when the market absorbs all its children in a heavenly rapture – but if it were entirely blind to the fact that the state, that enemy of the good honest corporation and firm, plays a major role in economics, it would face the danger of being merely comic. The liberal solution to the endless differing of market heaven is that the state exists to create a “level playing field”. Mark Thoma, who runs the excellent blog, Economist’s View, just published an article on income inequality that contains a canonical version of this notion:
“I’ve never favored redistributive policies, except to correct distortions in the distribution of income resulting from market failure, political power, bequests and other impediments to fair competition and equal opportunity. I’ve always believed that the best approach is to level the playing field so that everyone has an equal chance. If we can do that – an ideal we are far from presently – then we should accept the outcome as fair. Furthermore, under this approach, people are rewarded according to their contributions, and economic growth is likely to be highest.
But increasingly I am of the view that even if we could level the domestic playing field, it still won’t solve our wage stagnation and inequality problems. Redistribution of income appears to be the only answer.”
I wrote a little response to this paragraph on Mark’s site.
“I've never understood the popularity of this belief in America. It seems a contradiction in terms. How can you "level" the playing field, and at the same time allow any unequal outcome? These are in direct contradiction with one another. Any 'playing field' in which one of the players gains a significant advantage will be vulnerable to that player using some part of his power or wealth to 'unlevel' the playing field to his advantage. There is no rule of any type, there is no power that will prevent this. The problem is thinking of the playing field as a sort of board game. You play monopoly and you accept the outcome as 'fair'. The problem of course is that in life, unlike monopoly, you don't fold up the board after the game is over and begin it all again - in other words, the economy isn't a series of discrete games that are iterated at zero.
Thus, the whole "equality of opportunity" ideology has never made sense. If it succeeds, it will dissolve itself as those who succeed most make sure that we do not go back to zero, and that our idolized 'competition' is limited to those in the lower ranks - for among the wealthiest or the most powerful, the competition is, precisely, to stifle and obstruct competition in as much as it injures wealth or power.
To not understand the latter fact is to understand nothing about the incentive for acquiring wealth or power. It is as if economists truly believe that billionaires are searching for the next billion to spend it on candy, instead of seeing them as political players building a very traditional structure of status that will allow them the greatest possible scope for exercizing power, including helping their allies and family and injuring their enemies.”
I am not satisfied that I have spelled out the structural dilemma here. In trying to build an economy with a non-interfering state that only guarantees that the ‘playing field’ is levelled, you are building, in reality, a massively interfering state. There is no point at which equality of opportunity will, as it were, work by itself. This is because the economy does not exist as a chain of discrete states – rather, what happens in time t influences what happens in time t1. The board game metaphor, however, exerts an uncanny influence over thought here. From Rousseau to Rawls, the idea of an original position has, unconsciously, created the idea that society is like a board game. That is, it has beginnings and ends; a whole and continuous game came be played on it; that game will reward people according to their contributions. And so on. Here, classical liberalism still has a grasp on the liberalism that broke with it to develop the social welfare state. Both liberalisms, for instance, can accept that the price of an apple is not ‘earned’ by the apple, but both bridle at thinking the price of a man – his compensation – is not ‘earned’ by the man. It must have some deeper moral implication.
As we have discovered, the liberal hope, in the sixties, that the social welfare system would so arrange the board game of society that equal opportunity is extended to all, and so dissolve – was based on the false premise that the players all recognize a sort of rule in which they would not use their success in making moves to change the rules of the game. But this is to fundamentally misunderstand the incentive in this ‘board game’ – success consists precisely in changing the rules in your favor. It does not consist in getting rewarded for one’s contribution to the aggregate welfare of the players of the game. The billionaire is of a different kind than the saint. And each, to use Spinoza’s phrase, must continue in their being in order to be at all.
The anti-liberalism of the last thirty or forty years is rooted in this liberal blindspot. On the one hand, the liberal allows his rhetoric to be taken hostage by a pro-forma anti-statism – surely we don’t want the corrupt state to reward the lazy and unscrupulous! Thus, social welfare is presented with a wholly utilitarian justification – it exists solely to help the industrious and the respectable. So the liberal concedes that the protector state is a second best arrangement – and slides easily into bemoaning middle class ‘entitlements’, as if surely the middle class should stand on its own. On the other hand, the state engineered by the liberals does keep growing – it keeps growing because the middle class desperately needs it to maintain their life styles, and it keeps growing because the wealthy use it as a reliable annex to acquire various monopoly powers and as a cheap insurance plan.
What the liberal seemingly can’t acknowledge is that a democratic republic, can only afford the ‘board game’ of private enterprise if the state uses its powers not simply to redistribute or to produce, but to limit – that is, to hedge in and countervail the vested influence of the wealthiest. Thus, the democratic state taxes not only to provide income to the state, or to redistribute money to the less ‘worthy’ – it also does so to materially weaken the wealthiest. Otherwise, the wealthiest will rather quickly take over the state and make a mockery of democracy.
Taxation is the guillotine by other means. Joseph de Maistre once wrote that the compact between god and the state is sealed by the blood shed by the hangman. Wrong about god, de Maistre was certainly right that all social contracts are sealed in blood. No democracy can survive if it forgets this fact.
Friday, September 25, 2020
The mock-confession
The innocent have nothing to confess. Thus, by a social
logic founded in both the jurisdictional and the sacred, if you confess, you
cannot be innocent.
Foucault traces this logic in Discipline and Punish, going
across social spaces in the 18th and 19th century to show
how it was implemented – how the disciplinary regime encouraged speaking,
telling, confessing, creating great rituals of it. The subject, in the
Foucaultian paradigm, confesses, and becomes dependent on confession.
In the 1970s, Foucault turned away from literature. He was
no longer writing about Raymond Roussel or Magritte. A pity, for the complement to his work on the
disciplinary society was the rise of the mock-confessional novel.
The roots of this novel type – under which I would include Dostoevsky’s Notes From the Underground, Hamsun’s Hunger, Ralph Ellison’s Invisible Man, and Chris Kraus’s I love Dick – are found in the 18th century. Two texts stand out: Diderot’s Rameau’s Nephew and Rousseau’s Confessions. The Rousseau text went against the social logic of confession, in as much Rousseau’s account of his corruption, or his various acts of corruption, was pitched against a certain core and impenetrable innocence. It was the latter that enabled Rousseau to write the Confessions themselves. His career as a writer was shaped by his experience as an innocent, although it was an innocence that, in the real world, was continually denied by his actions and situation. While the memoirs of adventurers were quite popular in the eighteenth century, they were shaped as adventure stories, reports akin to the reports of the explorers which had become long established as a European tradition by then. Confession, with its implications – guilt and expiation – was a different kind of thing, and Rousseau was a different kind of adventurer.
Yet, as he was well aware, confession was shaken by the decline in the old confidence in a Christian world order. In the
world presided over by a benign, rational deity, confession held a diminished
sacredness. It was on the verge of being wholly taken over by forensics and
psychology.
That is the world in which Diderot operated, both as propagandist and analyst. Rameau’s Nephew is a figure who foreshadows the dark side of the dialectic of the enlightenment. His confession is cynical, a game that springs not from the desire to expiate, but from the gamemaster's desire to brag, to show his tricks. He is the enlightened parasite, and even hints that enlightenment makes possible a whole new world of parasites:
“In all of this,
he said lots of the things we all think, and which guide what we do, but which
never get said out loud. And here, in truth, we have the most significant
difference between my man and most of the people around us. He admitted to the
vices he had and which everybody else has, but he wasn’t a hypocrite. He was
neither more nor less horrendous than anyone else, he was simply more open, and
more logical; and occasionally, he was profound in his depravity. I trembled to
think what his child would become with such a master.”
The composition of the Nephew of Rameau is as mysterious as
everything else about it (it first appeared, in a German translation by Goethe,
30 some years after Diderot’s death). Diderot had been friends with Rousseau,
but they had broken up before the Confessions were written. Whether Rousseau
influenced Diderot or not, both were responding to some epistemic need abroad
in the land for reckoning with the breakup of the old order.
So much for the confessional side– but why the 'mock'?
Mock genres were also popular in the eighteenth century,
especially the mock-heroic. The fashion for the mock-heroic grew out of the quarrel
of the ancients and the moderns. In a dialectical slight of hand, the
conservatives, the defenders of the ancients, in reaction to the moderns,
generated a fashion for a very modern variation on satire – cutting the heroic
down to scale. This playing with scale is literal in Gulliver’s Travels, and
animates some of Pope’s best work, as well as Voltaire’s. The human scale, the
conservatives imply, is anti-heroic, just as a fully modern society is anti-heroic.
It is this theme that insinuates itself into the Confessional novel, serving as
an appropriate devise to allegorize the disenchantment of a society in which, potentially, the quality
of mercy has been well lost – in which emotions found, at best, an expression in
commodity accumulation, and at worst, turned inward and created madness.
Mock, according to 19th century etymology, was
connected with the gesture of pursing your lips; according to more recent
etymologies, it comes from the Germanic word for mutter. Interestingly, the
word migrated by one of those fatal associations that are so hard to trace, and so easy, retrospectively, to see, from derision to imitation. We
copy not just out of admiration, but also out of the impulse to caricature. One
of the sure jibes of childhood is to simply repeat what someone else says – it becomes
a game as the person who is copied tries to get the copier to stop it.
The mock confession, then, has a relation to the confession as
the child who imitates someone else in the mocking game has to the person
imitated – a weaponized echo.
One of France’s most lauded mock-confessional novels is
hardly known to Anglophonia: Le Bavard, or the Talker, by Rene-Louis des
Fôrets. It is so unknown that it hasn’t been translated, in spite of the fact
that its admirers included George Bataille and Maurice Blanchot. Blanchot wrote
an essay about it, which has oddly enough been translated (it is included in Friendship) – so non-French
readers can read about a novel that has never
been translated into English. Blanchot’s
essay is written in that prose of his, which sometimes leads to a teasing high – the reader
seems to be attuned, enthrallingly, to the sound of existentialism shattering in a thousand
St. Germain apartments in the mid twentieth century evening – and sometimes
leads to a nose clogging sense that all the Ciceronean abstraction is not leading us anywhere. In my opinion, Blanchot goes
wrong as soon as he treats literature as one block, separate from the talk in
the streets and the inventory work of the critics – his a-historicizing gesture.
In this way, Blanchot overlooks the book’s
enrollment in the line of the mock-confession, though he references it:
“The book is entitled Le Bavard (The Talker), which could
have been the title of a bit by Le Bruyère, but the novel is not the portrait
of the Talker. Nor are we in the presence of one of those characters in
Dostoevsky, inveterate talkers who, in their desire to make provocatory
confidences, give themselves away at every moment for who they are in order to
shut up all the better, even if the extenuating force of Notes from the
Underground often emerges anew here. We may be tempted, as well, looking for
some connection, to evoke the movement which traverses the work of Michel
Leiris and in particular that page of The Age of Man where the writer finds no
other source for his penchant to confess than in the refusal of saying nothing,
showing that the most irresponsible utterance, that which knows no limits and
no purpose, originates in its own impossibility.”
One wonders why Blanchot lifts these examples up, only to dismiss
them. In particular, Leiris does give a clue, in his book, about the
confessional mode – that mode that is a particular form of utterance – by calling
it a catharsis. Surely this is at
the heart of the mock confession – the social failure of catharsis in a society
in which mercy has been replaced by the bureaucracy of punishment.
The Talker (Le Bavard has also been translated as the
Chatterer, and one could suggest other names – the Man who couldn’t shut up, for
instance – but being a talker, in English, often means someone who says a lot
and means little) is a small novel of three chapters. The first chapter
establishes the tone and the curious lack of content. The narrator tells us
things about himself, his habits, and establishes a rapport with his audience
of reader/listeners, without telling us some critical facts: what he does, where
he comes from, where he lives. Novelistic density is sacrificed for another kind
of density – that of psychological observation. And yet that psychological observation
is hedged about with caveats, and a sort of reaction, on the narrator’s part,
to the hostility held, he assumes, by his listeners/readers. This is not at all
the kind of tale told to people of like kind, as in one of Conrad’s novels.
Just as the narrator – who opens the novel by looking in the mirror and proceeding
to analyze that gesture, rather than tell us what he sees in the mirror, i.e.
physically describe himself – substitutes elaborate and defensive reflection for the usual fictional “showing”, so too he attributes to his audience a sort
of ambient enmity that seems closer to paranoia than some anchored
relationship taht we would expect in a novel of confession: say taht of a prisoner to his guard, etc.
Within this cloud of too much and not enough knowing, the
narrator recounts his first and second “crisis” – moments when he felt a Tourette’s like impulse
to talk. Characteristically, the firsr crisis occurred when there was nobody
around. He was stretched out on a beach. Characteristically, too, what he
actually said, or didn’t say is not represented in the book. The narrator’s
account accrues, oddly, around a hole – the talk of the talker. If is as if the phenomenology of discourse –
the aboutness – has been cut adrift. This is a book that doesn’t need quotation
marks, even though it is a book about talking. The second crisis occurs in a
low dive, to which the narrator, half drunk, is taken by some friends. The friends,
of course, are portrayed as actually hostile to him – rather like the “friends”
of the narrator in Notes from the Underground. In the dive, the narrator
spots a beautiful woman dancing with a clownish, red haired man. The woman is,
the narrator implies, a sex worker of some sort. The narrator butts in,
dances with the woman, then buys her a drink, while her redhaired friend fumes
a few tables away. And then the narrator is carried away by another
Tourette-like impulse, and talks and talks to the dancer. His talking attracts
a bit of a crowd, which is mostly hostile to his more and more cynical tone. Again,
though, though we have an elaborate analysis of the scene, there is a hole at
the center – the hole of what the narrator actually said. At the end of the
monologue, the woman gets up, goes to another table, and starts laughing loudly
– apparently at the narrator.
In chapter two, the narrator flees the low dive, humiliated. After threading a labyrinth of streets, he ends up in a park, where he is beaten by the red haired man, who has followed him. He awakens from his concussion in the snow of the park, and hears a chorus of schoolkids from the yard behind the wall that abuts on the park. The sound leads to something close to an epiphany.
In chapter three – spoiler – the narrator claims that none
of this ever happened. The readers - now treated as a hostile group, just outside the narrator's circle - have been tricked. And whether they like it or not, the narrator doesn't care. The end.
There is a tendency among readers of The Talker to take the third chapter as true – but in actuality, there is no more reason to believe the third chapter than to believe the first one. What is true is the tonal logic – The Talker is a move to a sort of meta-mock confession. It is as if Hamsun’s unnamed narrator, or Dostoevsky’s unnamed narrator from Notes, took everything back in the end. Although in neither case would we be utterly surprised.
Catharsis in the mock-confession will never reach a satisfying conclusion, we will
never be pure, because purity is just a way of kidding ourselves. In modernity,
we can no longer rely on any absolute division between the pure and the impure. We all confess.
The use-value of sanity
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