“I’m so bored. I hate my life.” - Britney Spears
Das Langweilige ist interessant geworden, weil das Interessante angefangen hat langweilig zu werden. – Thomas Mann
"Never for money/always for love" - The Talking Heads
Saturday, October 11, 2014
history without years
There’s a certain magical attachment in history to years. A year serves not only as an organizing principle, but also as a spell – it gathers around itself a host of connotations, and soon comes to stand for those connotations. Yet, what would history be like if you knocked out the years, days, weeks, centuries? How would we show, for instance, change? In one sense, philosophical history does just that – it rejects the mathematical symbols of chronology as accidents of historical structure. These are the crutches of the historian, according to the philosophical historian. Instead, a philosophical history will find its before-after structure in the actual substance of history. In the case of the most famous philosophical history, Hegel’s, a before and after, a movement, is only given by the conceptual figures that arise and interact in themselves. To introduce a date, here, is to introduce a limit on the movement of the absolute. A limit which, moreover, from the side of the absolute, seems to be merely a superstition, the result of a ceremony of labeling founded on the arbitrary.
Wednesday, October 08, 2014
dictionary of untranslatables
Since the time I was knee high to a lexicographer, I have
loved dictionaries and encyclopedias.
For Umberto Eco, these are two text-types that cast a giant shadow over
all texts. In Semiotics and the Philosophy of Language, Eco makes much of both
the opposition between the dictionary and the encyclopedia and their
metamorphoses one into the other. A dictionary may seem like the simpler form –
it consists, at the base, of an inventory of words in a language arranged in
the order given by a writing system and attaching to each word a
definition – but of course, as Eco
shows, this seeming simplicity disguises a host of complex ideological
decisions. Eco gives the example of a dictionary that defines bull as an “adult
male bovine animal” as opposed to tiger, which is defined as “a loarge tawny
black striped Asiatic flesh-eating mammal related to cat”, to help us see that
the decisions that go into what forms a definition never wholly correspond to
the logic of one system. Eco goes back to Porphyry’s image of a tree in which
the branches are the particular, the species,the genera, etc. – which would imply branches
from one trunk – to a broader forest in which hierarchies multiply, and in
which definition becomes interpretation. That is to say, more shortly, that
there is an art to definition. We move through a Porphyrian forest into deeper
patches where the mere correlate, the definiens, becomes the object of the
essayist’s attention. As Eco says, the dictionary is dissolved into a
potetnially unordered and unrestricted galaxy of pieces of world knowledge. The
dictionary thus becomes an encyclopedia because it was in fact a disguised
encyclopedia.”.
Eco doesn’t use the word essay, but one could think of the
equivalence embedded in the definition as an essay waiting to get out – or we
could think of the essay as a definition that has put on fat. Except that the
latter is true for only a certain restricted species of essays. I think of
those essays as cowardly – for the truest essay must have the courage of its
polyvocity, or, if you like, its contradictions.
We are getting somewhere, although it might look like we are
taking a random path to nowhere. We are getting to the book entitled “Dictionary
of untranslatables”, which is edited by Barbara Cassin and has quickly
installed itself among the books that should be within easy reach of toilers in
the humanities.
There’s a review of
the book by Michael Kinnucan in Asymptote, the journal of translation. This sums up the paradoxical book pretty thoroughly:
“In
this it is astonishingly successful: comprehensive entries on hundreds of
words, running to 1400 dense pages in the English edition, incorporating the
work of 150 scholars in the original French and dozens more in the English
translation—almost all entertaining and revealing, the few I was qualified to
check strikingly complete and correct. Flipping through it I found myself
increasingly fascinated by Cassin herself: how had the qualities of a
Heideggerian-inflected scholar of the pre-Socratics come to coexist in one soul
with such megalomania, and such a talent for generalship? For all its virtues,
though, the Dictionary is haunted by a sort of joke at its own expense—a joke
which accounts for much of its charm while implying that it is not perhaps
quite what it thinks it is.” - See more at:
The
joke is, of course, double. On the one hand, the dictionary of untranslatables
is itself translated, which seems to make the title invalid. And on the other
hand, the very notion of a untranslatable seems to defy the equation at the
center of the dictionary – that is, that a word equals its definition. Even if,
with Eco, we grant definition a much broader space, we are still stuck with the
fact that these terms can’t be exchanged, can’t be substituted, in the
languages outside of which they are native.
There’s
room for many dissertations here.
The
dictionary is particularly strong on the Greeks, naturally. For instance, the
entry on fate gives us a cluster of Greek words revolving around the concept.
Here’s ker, meaning not just death but death as the shadow self:
“In a famous scene in the Iliad, Zeus
weighs the kêres of Achilles and of Hector ( 22.209ff. ); we do not
know whether the two kêres are personified or not. Both are described
as the “kêres of painful death,” that is, the destiny of death that each
of the heroes has as his double, or phantom, or personal demon. What is curious
is that they have a weight, and they can be weighed. Zeus places the two kêres on
the scales, and Hector’s kêr drops and falls into the house of Hades.
Apollo abandons the hero, and his fate is sealed.”
This has both
the brutal realism of Greek thought and its gnomic peculiarity. From death as a
certain weight to the throwweight of ballistic missiles, I can sketch a shaky
line. At some point on the line would be
Rilke’s Eurydice, pregant with her own death.
Und ihr Gestorbensein
erfüllte sie wie Fülle.
erfüllte sie wie Fülle.
|And her mortality
Filled her like a weight”
Which is of course not a
translation at all – but doesn’t every translator go into the depths and come
back with shadows?
-
Tuesday, October 07, 2014
short term patchwork long term disaster
John Quiggins at Crooked Timber has a post about the incoherence of the US' s Middle Eastern policy in which he writes that the US has only done one thing consistently in the Middle East, which is slavishly follow Israel's policy.
Nice as it would be to have some compressed and easily understood guide to US policy, I don't think this one is is.
Actually, it is not just Israel that acts as a driver of US policy – although in actuality I think this is a two way driver, and that Israel does a lot of things that the US government wants them to do while pretending to condemn them or hold them at a distance – but Saudi Arabia. Why should the US, which is buddies with all the authoritarian Gulf states and calmly watched as the Saudis invaded bahrain and suppressed a democratic revolt, care about Assad? I mean, we have no real reason to overthrow Assad. It will actually make US policy much more difficult if Syria fragments. But the Saudis fear Iran, and thus want to damage their ally. That’s it. Similarly, when Pakistan illegally steals the technology and designs to build nuclear weapons, and are financed in this endeavor by the Saudis, we do… nothing. When Iran openly pursues nuclear power and, we presume, a nuclear weapon, we go apeshit.
If the US had taken a far sterner stance towards Saudi Arabia and had established a relationship with Iran in 1989, like Israel, at that time, was advocating, we would surely not have had 9/11, and there would surely be no ISIS.
I would define the US problem in the Middle East differently. Our patchwork of short term policy decisions reflect an unthought out long term framework that has long been broken. It isn’t just the Israel connection that is responsible for this. Rather, it is literally the politics of the oil companies which has brought us to this point.
Nice as it would be to have some compressed and easily understood guide to US policy, I don't think this one is is.
Actually, it is not just Israel that acts as a driver of US policy – although in actuality I think this is a two way driver, and that Israel does a lot of things that the US government wants them to do while pretending to condemn them or hold them at a distance – but Saudi Arabia. Why should the US, which is buddies with all the authoritarian Gulf states and calmly watched as the Saudis invaded bahrain and suppressed a democratic revolt, care about Assad? I mean, we have no real reason to overthrow Assad. It will actually make US policy much more difficult if Syria fragments. But the Saudis fear Iran, and thus want to damage their ally. That’s it. Similarly, when Pakistan illegally steals the technology and designs to build nuclear weapons, and are financed in this endeavor by the Saudis, we do… nothing. When Iran openly pursues nuclear power and, we presume, a nuclear weapon, we go apeshit.
If the US had taken a far sterner stance towards Saudi Arabia and had established a relationship with Iran in 1989, like Israel, at that time, was advocating, we would surely not have had 9/11, and there would surely be no ISIS.
I would define the US problem in the Middle East differently. Our patchwork of short term policy decisions reflect an unthought out long term framework that has long been broken. It isn’t just the Israel connection that is responsible for this. Rather, it is literally the politics of the oil companies which has brought us to this point.
Monday, September 29, 2014
the unwanted word
Frank Kermode begins The Genesis of Secrecy with an
invocation of Hermes, the god of Hermeneuts, and thieves, and crossroads, and
puns, to name just a few of the worthy causes he patronized. In enumerating his
qualities, Kermode writes: “He also has to do with oracles, including the
dubious sort known as klēdōn, which at the moment of its announcement may seem
trivial or irrelevant, the secret sense declaring itself only after long delay,
and in circumstances not originally foreseeable.” Oh the Greeks, with their
eternally fascination terms of art! I couldn’t quite figure out, from Kermode’s
elegant but ambiguous gloss, what a klēdōn was. Was it the kind of insignificant minutia that the
murder leaves behind him and is spotted by the sharp eyed police inspector? Was
it a clue, such as the track left behind by a hunted animal? To find out, I
looked up the word in William Halliday’s 1913 Greek Divination, a study of its
method and principles. Halliday evidently was of the Golden Bough school, where
one folk practice initiates comparisons to other folk practices among widely
disparate people. Thus in discussing kledonomancy, he goes from Homer to a
custom on the Isle of Man. His example of divination by kledon is clear enough,
though: “At Pharai in Achaia an analogous rite was practised
under the official patronage of Hermes, the market god. “In front of the image
is a hearth made of stone, with bronze lamps clamped to it with lead. He who
would inquire of the god comes at evening and burns incense on the hearth,
fills the lamp[s with oil, lights them, lays a coin of the country called a
copper on the altar to the right of the image, and whispers his question,
whatever it may be, into the ear of the god. Then he stops his earss and leaves
the market-place, and when he is gone a little way outside he takes his hands
from his ears, and whatever words he hears he regards as an oracle.”
This is more like it. As a latter authority, Ogilvie, writes
(in relation to Aeschylus’s use of the kledon): “It was a form
of divination to pick up a chance word or remark and to accept it in a sense
other than that intended by the speaker.”
Overhearing, eavesdropping – I have long
thought that these are severely neglected topics in the philosophy of language
and literary criticism. In the Pharai
example, the inquirer intentionally overhears. He or she intentionally
appropriates the word spoken and applies it to the question asked. But of
course that an utterance can be inhabited by a wholly other spirit than that in
which it is spoken gives us an eery sense of how the gods operate in the world.
There is a great deal of this in the modernist novel. To give just one example
that occurs to me right now, this was the sort of thing Evelyn Waugh loved. In
Black Mischief, Basil Seal, making love
to Prudence Samson, the daughter of the British envoy to Azania tells her she’s
a grand girl and “I’d like to eat you up.” A phrase that the reader is not
especially called upon to remember – it is all just lovey-dovey, innit? Yet, in the final chapter, when Basil attends
a dance of the Azanian tribe that has overthrown the Azanian emperor and
captured his entourage, including Prudence, he is treated to a feast at which he asks the
headman where the white girl has gone, and the headman responds by rubbing his
belly and saying “why here – you and I and the big chiefs have just eaten her.”
This is the overheard word that is not
overheard by the person who speaks it – it is rather commandeered. All of us
have surely had those moments when, in the thick of some bad situation, we
think back to something we have said without thinking that seems to point to
the future mysteriously.
However, I would like to broaden the idea of
eavesdropping, or overhearing, to the “ontogenesis of language”, as Quine puts
it in Words and Things – that is, to how babies learn to talk. I’m going
through this now, and the lesson is rather un-Quinian. Classic scenari: the
parent at the computer encounters some glitch that he can’t figure, out, and
knows is going to take an hour to repair. He says “fuck”, with conviction –
only to hear the baby repeat it. Scene ends with parents laughing and telling
each other that they will have to watch their language.
Interestingly, it is dirty words, cuss words
that make the parents aware of eavesdropping and its power. It is as if, from
the first, there is a portion of language learning that is cursed –that the
word overheard is the shadow-sibling of the word pointed out. The latter is the
wanted word, the former the unwanted one.
The primal writer’s act, in my opinion, is a
fierce fascination with and loyalty to the unwanted word. The unwanted word
comes to us as a riddle, and seems inhabited by something else, some future we
can’t otherwise see.
This is why I, at least, have a harder time
with edifying literature, the literature of order – the police procedural with
the inevitable catching of the culprit, or the novel that follows closely its
time’s norms, whether these are the identity politics of today or whether they
are the Victorian eras Christianity-n-Capitalism. These strike me as the
progeny of the wanted word. Of course, in all literature, mostly it is the
wanted word, mostly the social order as it is triumphs. But I like to think
that the rarer literature of the unwanted word has a more long distance say,
and that it propounds riddles that are never quite completed. It is a
literature by and, to an extent, for the pre-eminently unwanted: the outsider.
Friday, September 26, 2014
D.C and the secret
It is sort of like Comedy of Errors - if it were staged in a butcher shop.
Apparently if you chose to intervene in a chess game by knocking black players off the board, the white side will gain. This is coming as a great shock to D.C. Nobody loses in the political elite. Oh sure, you lose an election, but this just allows you to pluck a desireable job in lobbying or wall street and buy a bigger house. It is a world of up and up!Meanwhile, the US effort is premised on the idea that when a tree falls in the forest and nobody hears it, it didn't fall. So, we watched 3000 to 10000 ISIL "terrorists" decisively defeat an Iraqi army of 500000 armed with 30 billion dollars of US military equipment and benefiting from five years of training. What does this mean? Why it means we put our fingers in our ears and go nah nah we can't hear you. Then we pump some stateless "freedom fighter" group up with 10 million dollars and weapons captured in Libya and they will just blow a hole in IS and we are done. And of course said group will then easily defeat Assad.
Back in the benighted days of George Bush, one of the tells that the Iraq war was going to go wrong was the inability of the US to credibly mount a force that could both defeat Saddam H. and occupy the country. The US didn't have the soldiers and refused to institute a draft. After all, patriotic Americans wanting to taste Saddam's blood might not be so thirsty for it if their sons and daughters were out there in the desert being blown up. So the US waged a war on the cheap, which both blossomed to a trillion dollar war and was decisively lost by the US side.
ISIL shows what you can do if you have dedicated troops and enough money to take advantage of shock troop tactics, but they still don't have the kind of troops to occupy their territory. Eventually I expect they will dissolve in some civil broil. At the moment, though, they represent the Sunni part of the breakup of Iraq. Pretending this isn't so because where's the happy ending, Uncle Sam? And don't we have to do Something? doesn't change the facts that are kicking us in the face.
I sorta blame Oprah. At one point in her show, she publicized a woman who wrote a book called The Secret. The secret consists of cutting out pictures of things you want, pasting them to a piece of paper, and wishing very hard to have them - and presto, you'll get them! Obviously, the Secret became the playbook for the State Department and the D.C. press corps and establishment.
There ain't no Secret.
Apparently if you chose to intervene in a chess game by knocking black players off the board, the white side will gain. This is coming as a great shock to D.C. Nobody loses in the political elite. Oh sure, you lose an election, but this just allows you to pluck a desireable job in lobbying or wall street and buy a bigger house. It is a world of up and up!Meanwhile, the US effort is premised on the idea that when a tree falls in the forest and nobody hears it, it didn't fall. So, we watched 3000 to 10000 ISIL "terrorists" decisively defeat an Iraqi army of 500000 armed with 30 billion dollars of US military equipment and benefiting from five years of training. What does this mean? Why it means we put our fingers in our ears and go nah nah we can't hear you. Then we pump some stateless "freedom fighter" group up with 10 million dollars and weapons captured in Libya and they will just blow a hole in IS and we are done. And of course said group will then easily defeat Assad.
Back in the benighted days of George Bush, one of the tells that the Iraq war was going to go wrong was the inability of the US to credibly mount a force that could both defeat Saddam H. and occupy the country. The US didn't have the soldiers and refused to institute a draft. After all, patriotic Americans wanting to taste Saddam's blood might not be so thirsty for it if their sons and daughters were out there in the desert being blown up. So the US waged a war on the cheap, which both blossomed to a trillion dollar war and was decisively lost by the US side.
ISIL shows what you can do if you have dedicated troops and enough money to take advantage of shock troop tactics, but they still don't have the kind of troops to occupy their territory. Eventually I expect they will dissolve in some civil broil. At the moment, though, they represent the Sunni part of the breakup of Iraq. Pretending this isn't so because where's the happy ending, Uncle Sam? And don't we have to do Something? doesn't change the facts that are kicking us in the face.
I sorta blame Oprah. At one point in her show, she publicized a woman who wrote a book called The Secret. The secret consists of cutting out pictures of things you want, pasting them to a piece of paper, and wishing very hard to have them - and presto, you'll get them! Obviously, the Secret became the playbook for the State Department and the D.C. press corps and establishment.
There ain't no Secret.
Thursday, September 25, 2014
Karl Marx on how to start a flame war and sell your book
Marx is not often pointed out to aspiring
writers for his imitable work in publicizing his masterpiece. However, the
correspondence of Marx and Engels, in 1867 and 1868, is filled with strategies
for making Capital known on a broad scale – from Engels suggestion that Marx
should take seriously the idea of a “portrait” in the Leipzig Illustrated Paper
to the campaign of reviews meant to pump the book.
Among the letters is one that is quoted
extensively by Schlomo Avineri in his essay trying to prove that the connection
between Marx and Darwin came about as
the result of a hoax. Avineri cherrypicks a bit in this essay: Marx, who was no
biologist, was alternatively impressed by Darwin and scornful of the way he
took Malthus’ method and applied it to nature (I should say, from comments of
Darwin’s this is what Marx took Darwin to be doing, although of course the
issue is more complex than that). Still, it gave Avineri the chance to quote a
quite amazing letter in which Marx pens a review of Das Capital that criticizes
its “subjective” anti-capitalist tendencies while praising its general tenor.
Its quite an amusing text:
“As regards the little Swabian paper, it
would be an amusing coup if we could hoodwink Vogt’s friend, the Swabian Mayer.
It would be easy to contrive the thing as follows. D'abord to begin by saying that
whatever one may think of the draft of the book, it is a credit to the ‘German spirit’,
for which reason, too, it was written by a Prussian in exile and not in
Prussia; Prussia having long ceased to be a country where any scholarly
initiative, especially in the political or historical or social field, is
possible or is actually to be found, it now being the representative of the
Russian and not of the German spirit. In respect of the book itself, a
distinction has to be drawn between two things, between positive developments
(’solid’ would be the second epithet) given by the author, and the tendentious
conclusions he arrives at. The former are a direct addition to the sum of human
knowledge, since actual economic relations are treated in an entirely new way
by a materialistic (‘Mayer’ has a liking for this catchword, on account of
Vogt) method. Example: 1. the development of money, 2. the way
in which co-operation, division of labour, the machine system and the
corresponding social combinations and relations develop ‘spontaneously’.
Now as regards the tendency of the author, another
distinction has to be drawn. When he demonstrates that present society,
economically considered, is pregnant with a new, higher form, he is only
showing in the social context the same gradual process of evolution that Darwin
has demonstrated in natural history. The liberal doctrine of ‘progress’ (c'est Mayer tout pur) embraces this idea, and it
is to his credit that he himself shows there is hidden progress even where
modern economic relations are accompanied by frightening direct consequences.
At the same time, owing to this critical approach of his, the author has,
perhaps malgré lui , sounded
the death-knell to all socialism by the book, i.e. to utopianism, for evermore.
The author’s tendency to be subjective, on the other hand — which he
was perhaps bound and obligated to assume in view of his party position and his
past — i.e. the manner in which he represents to himself or to others the
ultimate outcome of the present movement, of the present social process, bears
absolutely no relation to its real development. If space permitted this to be
more closely examined, it could perhaps be shown that its ‘objective’
development refutes his own ‘subjective’ fancies.
Whereas Mr Lassalle hurled abuse at the
capitalists and flattered the backwoods Prussian squirearchy, Mr Marx, on the
contrary, shows the historical necessity of capitalist production and
severely criticises the landed aristocrat who does nought but consume. Just how
little he shares the ideas of his renegade disciple Lassalle on Bismarck’s
vocation for ushering in an economic millennium he has not merely shown in his
previous protests against ‘royal Prussian
Socialism’ but he openly repeats it on pp. 762, 763, where he says that
the system prevailing in France and Prussia at present will subject the
continent of Europe to the regime of the Russian knout, if it is not checked in
good time.
That is my view on how to hoodwink the
Swabian Mayer (who did after all print my preface), and small though his
beastly rag is, it is, nevertheless, the popular oracle of all the Federalists
in Germany and is also read abroad.”
This purely gleeful side of Marx is what
makes him a manyhandled author – note the scorn connected with the world “materialist”,
and the surprisingly turn at the end of the pseudo-review in which Capital is taken as the death knell of
socialism. In fact, this view of the book has, outside of Marx’s “hoax”,
endured, with the “rational expectations” Marxists of the 80s – I’m looking at
you, Jon Elster – making it the centerpiece of their radicaly purified Marxism.
So, here’s Marx’s advice to young writers:
get your friends to write reviews of your book in which they praise it for its
objective merits, but qualify the praise by saying that the author’s viewpoint
is, unfortunately, completely wrong.
Marx was ahead of his time: what he was
doing was inventing the flame war as a way to sell his book.
Monday, September 22, 2014
heidegger as stinker
As every sentient human adult (and especially department secretaries) knows, intelligence doesn’t
exclude stinkerhood. Many are the geniuses who are also stinkers.
I think these remarks are pertinent to the latest round in
the Heidegger controversy. There is a suprisingly good essay about this in the
current NYRB by Peter Gordon. With the publication of the black notebooks, we have even more evidence that Heidegger was a Nazi all
through the Hitler years. Of course, Lowith back in 1935 proclaimed that
Heidegger’s “lean” towards naziism was no temporary aberration, done for the
sake of the university. To that kind of special pleading, I think we can all
say: suck my cock! But of course in a genteel and philosophische way. The black
notebooks apparently add more proof to the case that Heidegger was also a
provincial anti-semite as well. Case closed.
Of course, the Heidegger controversy has its political
coloring. The same people who use Heidegger’s Nazi-hood to hit deconstruction
or France or continental philosophy on the head – usually american academics
traveling between the New Criterion and the New York review of Books circuit –
have little to say about, say, Werner von Braun, or the whole flotilla of Nazis
that were calmly taken up by the Americans in Operation Paperclip. Say what one
will about Heidegger, he was not an SS commander in a concentration camp, which
is what von Braun was at Peenemunde. It was Braun, not Heidegger, who was
photographed with American presidents. But you very rarely see American
intellectuals slagged for Braun, whereas French intellectuals are supposedly
crypto-collaborationists for using Heidegger.
However the outrage, if outrageously selective, is still
justified. And it is a good question as to how much Naziism penetrated
Heidegger’s philosophical writings.
However, here is where the history of philosophy, as it is
usually told, misleads us. As it is usually told, the history of philosophy is
a pageant of heads. Here’s Plato, then his “student” Aristotle, and so on. Each
great man clutches a book, and “influences” or “refutes” other great men.
This is a pitifully sad way of doing intellectual history. Great
heads are as mired in their contemporary circumstances as little heads. To talk
about Heidegger’s philosophy and Naziism, one has to foreground that philosophy
in the tendencies with which it was contemporary, and with which it had dozens
of capillary relations. A materialist history of philosophy would do away with
great heads and insert innumerable small ones, looking for intellectual
patterns that interpenetrate economic, political and social ones. Sein und Zeit is properly placed with, for
instance, Franz Rosenzweig’s Stern der Erloesung, and with Bloch’s Geist der
Utopie, and with Mann’s Betrachtungen
der Unpolitische, and with essays of Simmel’s and Lukacs’. It means putting it
in relation to the anxieties concerning mechanization that were a commonplace
of newspaper feuilletonists pre-1914 – notably Kraus’ notion of the “black
magic” of the press. It means even looking at the severely marginalized,
figures like Ludwig Klages. Etc. Heidegger didn’t come up with his texts in
splendid isolation, after all.
In other words, it means pulling apart Heidegger’s
philosophy like Roland Barthe pulled apart Balzac’s Sarrazine in S/Z. This isn’t
to dispute that Heidegger’s philosophical texts were often full of genius, but
that it was, so to speak, the genius of the clinamen
– the genius of the swerve that is left after the combinatorial elements are
mapped.
In a sense, one could say of Heidegger what Nietzsche said
of the New Testament – that one should read his works wearing gloves. And I
think that one should read them against the grain of the author’s stinko
intent. Sometimes – as in the lectures on Nietzsche, which were so full of
grandiose cliches that I have never been able to finish them – stinkerism
overrides thought, here, for sure.
To return to the greater themes – definitely, in the world
of philosphy, something was happening that all the figures I have named were
responding to. On the one hand, there was the revolution in logic that seemed
to allow philosophy to be dissolved in science, and on the other hand, there
was the return to the transcendental thematic – shared by Husserl and the
numerous graphomaniac neo-Kantians – which seemed to offer a discursive escape
route from the positivist prison – which was a species of the iron cage of
modernity that Weber was writing about. In Weberian terms, the philosophers and
writers I’ve named were trying to carve out a region for charismatic
legitimation, and in so doing often reified charisma as something that resisted
and opposed the technostructure.
Retrospectively, it is easy to see that instead of
opponents, these movements were often secret allies.
But this gets me far from where I wanted to go, which is
simply: yes to Heidegger as a stinker, but also yes to Sein and Zeit, alas
alas.
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