Michele Wallace, in an impassioned essay on Zora Neale
Hurston published in the 80s, and republished in her collection, Invisibility
Blues, has a good time mocking Harold Bloom for setting aside Hurston’s
politics and discussing her in terms of a wholly white literary lineage, a sort
of Wife of Bath figure. Yet when it comes to Hurston’s politics, nobody seems
prepared to confront it head-on, except to proclaim that her opposition to
Brown vs. Board of Education and her support for Joe McCarthy was unfortunate.
Usually these things are attributed to some unfortunate experience the woman
had – Wallace ends up blaming it on the bum rap hung on Hurston for seducing
under age boys, which was ultimately thrown out of court, and others blame it on
the aging process.
It is true that the Hurston who can write in a letter about
the unforgiveability of the atom bomb, or coint the brilliant phrase, in her anti
Jim Crow essay, The American Museum of Unnatural History, for the way she and
other black thinkers are put away in a little segregated corner and exhibited,
seems to be going in a different direction from the woman whose heart belonged
to Taft. But I don’t think the answer to
the question of how she kept these thoughts together is answered by a reference
to some odd contingency. Hurston’s
politics were definitely on the right, but a right of her own making – a maroon
right. Her experiences in Florida, in
Jamaica and in Haiti all went into her viewpoint, which – taking a phrase from
Callaso, who takes it from Tallyrand, is a defense of the “sweetness” of life. Eccentrically, and whitely, I see her
counterpart on the left as Pasolini. These two paragraphs from his Pirate
Writings could have been subscribed to, I think, by the Hurston who raged against
the kind of representation of Southern blacks that put lynching at its center –
as in Richard Wright’s novels.
“At present,
when the social model being realized is no longer that of class, but an other
imposed by power, many people are not in the position to realize it. And this
is terribly humiliating for them. I will take a very humble example: in the
past, the baker’s delivery boy, or « cascherino » — as we named him here in
rome, was always, eternally joyous, with a true and radiant joy. He went
through the streets whistling and throwing out wisecracks. His vitality was
irresistable. He was clothed much more poorly than today, with patched up pants
and a shirt that was often in rags, However, all this was a part of a model
which, in his neighborhood, had a value, a sense – and he was proud of it. To
the world of wealth he could oppose one equally as valid, and he entered into
the homes of the wealthy with a naturally anarchic smile, which discredited
everything, even if he was respectful. But it was the respect of a deeply
different person, a stranger. And
finally, what counted was that this person, this boy, was happy.
Isn’t it the
happiness that counts? Don’t we make the revolution in the name of happiness? ?
The peasants’ and sub-proletariats’ condition could express, in the persons who
lived it, a certain real happiness. Today – with economic development – this happiness
has been lost. This means that that economic development is by no means
revolutionary, even when it is reformist. It only gives us anguish, anxiety. In
our days, there are adults of my age feckless enough to think that it is better
to be serious (quasi tragic) with which the e « cascherino
», with his long ha ir and little moustache, carries his package enveloped with
plastic, than to have the “infantile” joy of the past. They believe that to
prefer the serious to laughter is a virile means of confronting life.
In reality,
these are vampires happy to see that their innocent victims have become
vampires too. To be serious, to be dignified, are horrible tasks that the petit bourgeoisie imposes
on itself, and the petit bourgeoisie are thus happy to see to it that the
children of the people are also serious and dignified. It never crosses their minds that this is a true
degredation, that the children of the people are sad because they have become
conscious of their social inferiority, given that their values and cultural
models have been destroyed."
Pasolini
famously said that in the struggle between the cops and the students on campus,
he was for the cops, as they were the authentic children of the people – a statement
as shocking in 1969 as Hurston’s statement that Brown vs. Board of Education
was due to a “whine” among certain Negros who wanted to be white. Somehow, I
think the political impulse in both cases came from something deeper than Hurston’s
personal hurt from neglect by certain of the privileged tenth.
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