“And Jesus said
unto him, Foxes have holes, and birds of the air have nests; but the Son of man
hath not where to lay his head.”
While the division of labor increases the
productive power of labor, and the wealth and refinement of society, it leads
to the impoverishment of the laborer until he sinks to the level of the
machine. While labor incites the accumulation of capitals and thus the
increasing well being of society, it makes the laborer ever more dependent on
the capitalist, thrusts him into a greater competition, drives him into a rush
of overproduction, from which follows an equivalent slump.” - Marx
Kolakowski has correctly
written that Marx, unlike the socialists of the 40s, had a firmer grasp of the
fact that capitalism was rooted in de-humanization. His economic analysis does
not marginalize this insight, but builds upon it – which is why Marx never puts
the market at the center of economic analysis, even as he is able to represent
the reasons that mainstream economists do so.
In the
Economic-Philosophical manuscripts, the figure for that de-humanization is the
machine.
Not, I notice, an
animal. Traditionally, the poor were compared to animals. In a wonderful series of essays by Sergio
della Bernardina, an ethnographer of hunting, he found that the animal is not considered
a machine by the hunter. In fact, the animal – the deer, the bear, the fox – is
considered a-like being. For the person, outside of philosophy, is a matter of degrees
and situations, and not an absolute. Which means that how personhood intervenes
in social practice can’t necessarily be predicted from our definition of
personhood – in the cases Bernardina examines, the tormenting of a bear or a
bull before it is killed does not happen because its tormenters lack a sense of
the animals personhood, but precisely because they want to provoke aggression
on the part of the animal to which they can respond, shifting the blame for the
animal’s death to the animal itself as a person responsible for lashing out,
for acting badly.
In the Christian
tradition, it is only recently that environmental historians have pursued the
thesis that Christianity, by entrusting nature to man, devalued the
environment. I am skeptical. Christianity, in the broad ancient tradition,
certainly did not ascribe property to animals. They owned nothing. Yet they did
have holes and nests. They had families. Christian iconography is actually
replete with peaceful animals, with the redeemed sheep, with the dove, etc.
The animal might
not have a property relationship with the world – they could be hunted, they
could be sacrificed, they could be eaten – but they were, of course, God’s
creation.
Not the machine.
The machine not only has not property claim on the world – it has no home. It
has no family. The son of man would not say, the chariots have sheds, the
hammers have a box – although he’d know it, being a carpenters son. In the
double logic of the dissolution of the human limit, when Descartes and the
early modern natural philosophers compare the animal to the machine – and man,
too – they both advance a new claim about the human relationship to the world
(dissolving any limit to its use) while advancing a new and unrecognizable form
of human – the man machine, the Other – as the human subject.
The poverty of the
worker, who sinks to the state of a machine, is the flip side of the glory of
the proletariat, the Other who is the subject of universal history. What does
the poverty consist in? Marx sees it, of course, in terms of wealth – but also
refinement – the “Verfeinerung der Gesellschaft.” I would call this poverty an
imprisonment in routines. It is hard to resist jumping ahead to Freudian terms,
having to do with obsessive behavior and neurosis, which, after all, is the
mechanical coming to the surface – the arm or leg that doesn’t work, that has
returned to dead matter.
It is easy to
forget that the Descartes or Le Mettrie’s machine was an automaton, an entertainment.
Court societies love F/X, whether it is Versailles, Hollywood or D.C. – but in
real material terms, the automata did nothing more than demonstrate the uses of
a winding mechanism. What Marx is talking about is not that kind of machine.
As Wolfgang Schivelbusch
nicely puts it at the beginning of The Railway Journey, the Europe of the
eighteenth century, which was still the Europe of wood and woods, of energy
supplied by streams and forests, was losing its woods. He quotes Sombart – and
I am going to give some elbow room here to exaggeration and the blind eye
turned to the forests in America. Still, wood was becoming more expensive, and
in this way an opportunity opens up for other means of energy and structure –
notably, coal and iron. To which one must add that water, too, but in a new
form – as steam – is part of the complex. In one of the historical ironies that
the economic historian scrupulously skirts, even the Corn laws, decried for two
centuries, actually contributed to the industrial revolution, for, by raising
the price of grain and thus of keeping horses, they “helped replace horsepower
by mechanical power in much the same way shortage of wood in 18th century
Europe had accelerated the development of coal production.”
So, the older
elements of life – that obsession of the romantics in perhaps the last final
bloom of eotechnical Europe – were being reconfigured before Marx’s eyes. When
Marx was expelled from Paris in 1845, he took the messagerie – the stagecoach –
to the Belgian border. In 1848, when he was kicked out of Belgium, he took the
train back to Paris.
We could measure
those three years biographically – or geologically, as human technological
needs produced wealth and a planetary alteration in the cosmic order we are
beginning to feel.
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