Ellen M. Wood's "The Retreat from Class" ,
published in 1983, is uncannily predictive of the course of neo-liberalism. Though she is pretty
highhanded with us epigoni of French Theory, what she says about the disappearance
of class within political discourse – and cultural discourse in general - is
totally correct, at least in the Anglosphere.
Of
course, class only disappears in the minds of the bien-pensants, not from their
daily lives. Class as lived experience is overwhelmingly present, from the
sandwich shops of David Broder to the shores of the mini-mansion subdivision
universe.
Neoliberalism
is neo because, unlike classical liberalism, it proceeds logically from the
dismantling of the labor theory of value. In terms of class, this means writing
out the working class, and substituting as its pertinent tri-fold structure the
wealthy, the middle class, and the poor. The wealthy are described as wealth
makers. The middle class are economically autonomous, and the poor are
government dependents.
Within
neo-liberalism, then, taxing the wealthy is justified by the government
services provided for them, and not as a countermeasure to the level of
exploitation that creates that group. The middle class, if it demands something
from the government, is displaying moral culpability: how dare, for instance,
middle class kids demand free secondary education? Obviously, they simply want
bribes. And the poor never work – the goal is to get them to work. Then we can
pull away government support for them.
Class, which used to
indicate a position in the spheres of production and circulation, becomes, in
neoliberalism, a proxy for income.
Politically, income is a
very weak guarantor of solidarity. The search for solidarity turns elsewehere –
to various identities, which, in the absence of a robust sense of production
and circulation, take on the primary roles in structuring our lives, and thus
the politics concerning our lives.
It is interesting to me
that Marx talks about life, not about economics, when speaking of what
determines our consciousness. Life is at the center of his thinking, yet it is
consistently read out of his thinking. When we read that Marx doesn’t accord
enough force, or accords no force, to ideas, the people saying this are usually
at work. They are usually academics writing ideas in books that, among other
things, will gain them tenure. The ideas that they are talking about come from
the great names. They are not talking about the ideas of the sandwichmaker at
Subway. Why?
What we know of the life of
the sandwichmaker – or of our own lives – is that we perpetually sacrifice our
idea time to our work time. Marx has a pretty keen idea of what space, in the
course of a life in which twelve hours a day is devoted to repetitive work
activities, is going to go into ideas that are going to be written on paper.
The neo-liberal triumph is
to make this all seem delusory. Instead, we have the great ideas of the great
ideamen – usually men, but under our new more liberal standards, even women are
accepted! – and then we have the daily lives of people who, if we don’t watch
out, will want free government services.
It is in this way that
neo-liberalism moves from being some set of “ideas” about the economy to a
cosmic vision of how things are and ought to be.
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