Sunday, October 12, 2025

Somnambules: a zigzag history

 This long piece is going to be part of the Zigzag Lives, Zigzag histories section of the book of pieces - fictions and essays - that I'm in the process of putting together. 


Somnambules

Baudelaire: - « singulier comme les somnambules »

‘Everyone has his sympathies, his weaknesses, his hobbyhorses; mine are: well preserved old coins and badly preserved young somnambulists.” – Dr. W. Schlesinger, Neue Freie Press, March 3, 1874

 

1.

 

In 1786,  a “philosophical” tale, Le Somnambule, was published by Fanny de Beauharnais. It begins like this: “A man celebrated in the art of animal magnetism, walking down the Champs Elysées in the first week of June, 1758, amused himself by magnetizing a tree. A dear friend, author of the following text, was, a couple of days later, also walking down the Champs Elysées and by chance chose to sit down under that same marvellous tree. My friend found himself in an unparalleled state of content… Since that moment he sees through all bodies and penetrates the most secret thoughts.”

For those with the eyes to see it, we have, in the person of the somnambule, the lucid sleepwalker, a metamorphosis of the tale of the ring of Gyges.

Fanny de Beauharnais is best known, to posterity, as the aunt by marriage of Josephine de Beauharnais, who eventually married Napoleon.  In the 1780s, however, she bore the distinction of hostessing a very free thinking and celebrated salon, known for going on late in the night. She wrote verse. She also applied cosmetics liberally. A poet produced the very malicious verses that combined the two things: “it was her face that she made/while someone else made her verses.” Did she laugh? She did appreciate malicious wit. Buffon was one of her guests. Mercier was one of her guests. Cazotte, the author of Le Diable amoureux, was one of her guests.

Years passed. The Revolution came. Everybody went to prison at one point or another. Among the nobles who had attended Mesmer’s sessions a rumor was passed around from cell to cell. It was about Cazotte. Later, after Napoleon had drawn the curtain on the Revolution, a man named Laharpe wrote it all down.

At a party that was like the ones given by Fanny de Beauharnais, in 1786, Laharpe claimed, everybody was either quipping away like Enlightenment rationalists or telling dirty stories. In the midst of this merriment, Cazotte stood up. He called for everyone’s attention. He said, as you all know, I have the gift of prophetic visions. And he had one at this party. He predicted that there would be a Revolution (which provoked laughter – who did not know that there was going to be a Revolution?) and then pointed to members of the company. To Condorcet he said, you will die in the Revolution swallowing poison to avoid being taken away to prison and being executed. To Chamfort he said, I see you cutting yourself 24 times to open enough veins and arteries to bleed yourself to death in order to avoid execution. He told the famous Malherbes, the man who eventually ended up defending Louis XVI, you will be executed. And then he named four others in the room who would be executed. Then he said the company expected happiness to flow from a Revolution that would institute the order of Reason, but that all of you will be executed by people who are moved precisely by Reason, by philosophers who will employ the same rhetoric that you employ, and would repeat the same maxims of Voltaire and Diderot as they ordered the executions.

This became a part of reactionary legend. It is the type of scene, half orgy, half apocalypse, that would be picked up and repeated by the flunkies in Dostoevsky novels.

 

2.

On March 2, 1849, Theophile Gautier brought the famous somnambulist, Madame Rogers, to a meeting of the Haschichin club at the Hotel Pimodan, which is now the Hotel Lauzan. I walk past that place often. My friend M. used to have an office space there, sponsored by the L'Institut d'études avancées de Paris. The meeting of the club was attended by, among others, Nadar and Delacroix, who noted in his journal: “she has a charming and graceful head: she played the role of going to sleep, with all the gestures, marvelously. Her poses, her turns, too, are charming, and made for the painter.” And indeed, from Delacroix’s time to the time of the Surrealists, there is a tradition of a sort of voyeurism for the woman in a trance. In the Revolution surrealist there is a famous series of photos of Augustine, a hysteric in Salpétrière, who was photographed, under the supervision of Dr. Charcot, by the institute’s photographer, Régnard.

A person with long hair and hands up

AI-generated content may be incorrect.

 

Gautier had an extensive acquaintance among the somnambules. His attention was drawn to the subject, perhaps, by Victor Hugo. In 1847 Hugo was interested in the possessed women of Loudon – an incident from the 17th century that latter fascinated Aldous Huxley, who wrote a book about it, and Ken Russell, who made the movie “The Devils” (1971) partly from that book. It also fascinated Michelet, whose book La Sorcière has a long sequence about the case. Hugo decided he needed to understand possession, and so consulted a very famous somnambule of the time: Alexis Didier. Didier and his magnetiseur, Jean-Bon Marcillet. At around this time Hugo met Madame de Girardin, who initiated him into “spiritism” – channelling the soul of his dead daughter.

Gautier was also one of Madame de Girardin’s friends, according to the interesting article on Gautier’s “metaphysical” friendships by Anne-Marie Lefebvre in the 1993 Bulletin de Societé de  Théophile  Gautier. Of interest to the psychogeographer of Paris (“Fourmillante cité, cité pleine de rêves”) is the fact that Gautier, in 1853, moved to 24 Rue de Grange Batelière in the 9th arrondissement – a move that put him smack between Alexis Didier, on 42 Rue Richet, and a certain Madame Plainemaison, who held court with Alan Kardec, a voyant whose book on Spiritism had enormous repercussions among  esotericists and especially in Brazil, where he has been commemorated with a postage stamp. Madame Roger herself, along with her magnetiseur, Fortier, lived not far away, on Boulevard du Faubourg Montmartre. The Comte d’Ourches, who lived nearby,  was apparently a family acquaintance – an old Mesmerist who, according to the Figaro, surrounded himself with “pretty” servants to whom he would issue mental orders. Other accounts show him to be a devotee of the fad for talking tables and dancing furniture, the kind of things that announced the “spirits” were in the room. Gautier took notes. Material for novels and stories.  It all becomes material. Spirit into matter.

3.

On August 25, 1852, the Paris police went around and cited nine somnambule and one magnetizer for violating the civil code article 479, which forbade making a metier out of “divining, prognosticating, or explaining dreams.” All of the cited somnambules, including Alexis Didier, the most famous of the lot, had put up advertising promising to “divine, prognosticate, and explain dreams” – although on the last head, it was more like they dreamed, lucidly dreamed, themselves.

The case against Alexis in particular was simple. A Spanish duchess lost a bracelet. She came to Alexis, whose magnetiseur, M. Marcillet, put him under, and handed him the Duchesses gloves. Through sympathetic magic or animal magnetism, Alexis saw, eyes closed, the thief. Saw that he had escaped into Germany. Saw that before he escaped, he had pawned the bracelet. Saw the pawn shop. And lo, the bracelet was found in a pawn shop.

The authorities, of course, had witnessed this. They also denigrated the vision – of course, a jewel thief would pawn the jewels!

And now here he stood, as did Marcillet. With a defender, the lawyer Jules Favre, who took up the knotty question of article 479. In a brief overview, he acknowledged the necessity of such a law in the barbaric era of witches and wizards, who gulled and bullied the populace with superstition and hocus pocus.

But what of our more enlightened time, under the Emperor Napoleon III? Here Favre alluded to the immense scientific literature proving animal magnetism. Here we have a case of actual science, in the person of Alexis.

The judge, acknowledging the power of Favre’s oratory, still fined the 9 somnambules and M. Marcillet ten francs and five days in jail.

But this was not the end of the case. Appeals were made. Reports surfaced in the papers. And finally, in December, the judge decided in favor of Alexis and M. Marcillet. Were strings pulled? In the case of the other members of the sleepwalking tribe, the sentence still stood.

4.

 

Queen Hortense was in the direct matrilineal line from the Beauharnais – Josephine was her mother. Hortense was the mother of a boy who just couldn’t seem to find himself in the Restoration world that Stendhal depicts in Lucien Leuwen. Was he a St. Simonian? Was he a politician? His name was Louis, Louis Napoleon. Hortense, her friends said, was the kind of woman to “consult the village somnambule”. Was her mother? Josephine, as is well known, retained certain beliefs from her girlhood in Martinique. A handreader and prophetess, Marie-Anne Lenormand, was her advisor. When Josephine was thinking of divorcing Napoleon – the voyage to Egypt, the days alone in Paris – Lenormand read her hand and advised her not to.  Napoleon himself, a soldier and thus abnormally sensitive to chance and ballistics, consulted was rumored to have consulted Lenormand, who read his cards and interpreted his dreams – although when he was emperor, he disliked Lenormand’s presence and discouraged Josephine from seeing her.

In 1834, Queen Hortense was living in Rome. “One day, a famous magnetiseur was called in by her, and put into the presence of a Negress somnambule, who had already produced remarkable phenomena. The somnambule was quickly put to sleep. Queen Hortense had one fixed thought, and that thought came from her heart. She believed her son Louis Napoleon was destined to grasp the sceptre and the sword,  fallen from the hands of the hero in the hour of his defeat. Thus she multiplied inquiries to penetrate into the future. At last, the somnambule cried out, as though inspired: ah, I see him happy and triumphant! A great nation will take him as their leader – an emperor, surely? Cried the mother, excited and breathless. “An emperor?” replied the somnambule. “Never!” – from a biography of Louis Napoleon Bonaparte by M.A. LaGuerronière, 1852.

 

5.

The Dreyfus case featured many subset dramas.

In the 1890s, the somnambule was well on its way to turning into a hysteric, and magnetising was becoming hypnosis. But the somnambules were not going away. They have never gone away.

 

For instance,   Léonie.  Léonie  Leboulanger, a farmgirl from Normandy. Worked as a maid.  Worked as a governess. In the villages, she was known for her ability, while in a state of lucid dreaming, to see lost objects and predict the future. These things happened. Someone magnetized her. She helped find a “treasure” in the chateau de Crèvecoeur near Caen. She attracted the notice of the young Dr. Janet, latter one of France’s most celebrated psychologists. He studied her in her trance states. Janet’s Léonie was a victim of multiple personality. Léonie I was the stereotypical peasant. Under hypnosis, Léonie II broke out: she was gay, ironic, biting.

Yet.

There’s a photograph of her being hypnotised by Dr. Richet, another famous psychologist of the time, in the Musee Bretagne. The photograph is all in sepia, Dr. Richet has his back half turned to the camera, he is making a gesture, his arm out, his hands extended as though in salute, or as though to pet the magnetic rays that charge the room,  towards a woman seated, alone, in a chair that looks like it was taken from some bourgeois salon, a comfortable chair upholstered in a flowery print. The woman has a voluminous black dress, and wears a kind of maid’s cap on her head. The traditional Normand woman. Her face is a little heavy, her eyes are closed, her mouth is unsmiling, yet she exudes a calm air. Over to the side, in the photograph, is an inexplicable object, which looks like a rock covered by a sheet. One wonders what room is this. One wonders what the man in the foreground thinks he is doing.  One wonders if the woman in the chair was traveling the ether, seeing horrors, seeing joys.

A person talking to a person sitting in a chair

AI-generated content may be incorrect.

 

I take my bearings regarding Léonie  Leboulanger from an article by Jacqueline Carroy.

This is a story that begins with doctors. This is a story of the end of the nineteenth century. The magnetiseur, the somnambule, have been driven from the ranks of respectable science. In their place, we now have hypnosis. We now have an etiology of mental illnesses. We now have hysteria.

In the town of Havre lived a certain Dr. Joseph Gibert. Dr. Gibert knew Janet. He had a practice among important people. The president of France, Félix Faure. He had his doubts about the guilt of Alfred Dreyfus. Dreyfus had been convicted in 1895. He consulted with Léonie. He wrote to Mathieu Dreyfus. Dreyfus came to Havre.

It just so happened that Mathieu Dreyfus was an amateur hypnotist. Mathieu happened to be a rich Alsatian cotton cloth manufacturer as well. And he was the brother of Alfred Dreyfus.

Mathieu Dreyfus magnetized Léonie. Léonie saw something. She saw the prosecution hiding certain evidence. She called out, this isn’t right! She was awakened. Mathieu was impressed. He hired Léonie to be one of the governesses in his household. In Paris. He had two kids. The boy died in World War I, fighting in the French army. Léonie went to Paris. A long piece. Bredin, from L’affair: “He installed her firstly in an apartment on rue de l’Arcade, with his sister, Mme Cahn. Then he took Léonie in himself, where she would soon be living. Dr. Gibert patiently instructed his pupil [Mathieu] how to put Léonie in a hypnotic state. Soon Mathieu put her to sleep for several hours, sometimes for days. And he gave himself over, with the somnambule Léonie, to multiple experiments which confirmed him in his belief concerning her extraordinary talents. Léonie took more and more of a place in the life of the Dreyfus family. Sometimes she is lucid. Sometimes she is not. Mathieu asked her to “follow psychically” certain officers. “Often, solely by contacting for a certain length of time my hand in hers, she perceived my physical state, my moral state (if I was in a good or bad mood), sometimes my thoughts, which were not always about the affair.” Mathieu persuaded himself that he possessed the power of suggestion. He tried experiments on Léonie at long distance.”

And what did Mathieu’s wife think of all this?

In the meantime, Dr. Gibert was active. He wrote Faure a letter about the hidden evidence Léonie had seen. Was it true? Faure, Gibert told people, admitted it. When Gibert died, all of this was in his papers. On March 24, 1899, the historian Gabriel Monod, his friend, published an account of the somnambule, Gibert, Gibert’s talk with Faure, Faure admitting it. Faure immediately denied to the papers that he had admitted it. The anti-Dreyfusards immediately jumped on the somnambule aspect of the story. The pythoness, they called Leonie.

Mathieu Dreyfus wrote about the sessions with  Léonie  in his journal, which was not published until 1979. It was all there: the session, the somnambule’s vision, her calling out: “what are those pieces that they are secretly showing to the judges, don’t do that.”

The anti-dreyfusards mocked, but they had been mocked. Zola’s article in L’Aurore had noted the low level of Dreyfus’s accusers: From the point of view of truth, Du Paty de Clam, who had led the first interrogations of Dreyfus in 1894, appeared like the ideal target and it is in part why, doubtless, his part in the affair was overvalued by Zola as well as Jaurès. Concerning Du Paty de Clam, Zola wrote : : « Le commandant Du Paty de Clam led them all, hypnotised them, for he was interested in spiritism as well, and occultism, he conversed with spirits.” The Dreyfus side presented itself as dry, scientific, factual.

Léonie crossed these wires. Who was talking to spirits now?

 The record of her life is a very one-sided thing: it consists of her trances with Janet and with Dr. Gibert and with Mathieu Dreyfus. Those hours, those days, those psychic stalkings, those handholdings. She was a somnambule infrequently, this was not a gift she took lightly, this was not a vector into celebrity. When did she die?

6.

In the same year that the Normand somnambule was seeing in a dream the corrupt framing of Alfred Dreyfus, another story with somnambules was being followed on the front pages of the German papers.

Młody Czesław Czyński (grafika z 1889 r.)

7.

When we last see him, it September 5, 1930. He is in Warsaw. Cops bust into the apartment of a leader of a “sex cult” – narcotics – blasphemous and pornographic texts – testimonies from nubile young men and women – suicides. The raid kicked off a Satanic panic in Poland. In a Hamburg paper, on September 17, under the headline, “Devil Worshippers of Warsaw”, there is a long and lurid description of the cults practices. The use of narcotics and long warm baths to weaken the will. The Black Mass. “Wearing only black robes over their naked bodies, and donning black masks, the groups gathered in the refectory. On the wall hung a picture of the devil as a goat bestride the globe. … Three naked women, wearing only masks, lay down under the picture and formed a triangle.” The high priests Czynski, Czaplin and Nowakowski would appear suddenly in the room, and then an orgy would ignite.  

Czeslaw Czynski. 85 years old. The incident jogs memories. In the Posen Tageblatt, we read an account by a woman of an incident that happened forty some years before in the town of Ostrowo, when she was young. Like a draft of Mario and the Magician, this story.

 A small town, Ostrowo, 12,000 inhabitants, then part of the German Reich. A cloth industry of household weavers – a Catholic highschool. The nationalists in their secret groups, the businessmen growing paunches, the bourgeois wives and daughters, the side of town where you can find a woman to read your palm, your tealeaves, your cards. One day, remembers the Posen Tageblatt correspondent, she joins up with a group of wives of the officers of the German army garrison, and they walk as the evening comes down, to the Ostrowo Lyceum to hear a talk on “suggestion”. They were all excited. Something new! They read about the outside world, they feel bored and stuck. Something new, though, to think about and talk about. They promised to wake each other up in the case that one or the other of them gave way to hypnosis. They pinch each other. They laugh. Given the lack of sensations in the town, everybody was there. Even the police. Czynski appeared – a rather handsome man with striking eyes – and proceeded to give a long and dull talk. At the end of it, he went to what he called the experimental part of the eventing. He passed out some tickets, and they were passed around in the crowd. He said the he would put those who received the tickets under a hypnotic sleep. Soon many of the audience, even some who had not received tickets, were asleep. He suggested to one very hypnotized boy named Blümel that he would do meet Czynski the next day at his, Czynski’s, hotel, at 10 o’clock, and would overcome all obstacles put up to this goal by his way by his parents. Well, it happened! The parents blocked the doors and forbade their son to leave, but Blümel threw himself out of his bedroom window and ran to his appointment the next day, arriving at the hotel at 10. “I know that my friends and I refused to return to the auditorium after the break, and that the next day, they refused to let the “experimenter” give another talk… Czynski went from there to Dresden…”

8.

After the trial was over, the Russian paper, Nowosti, investigated Czeslaw Czynski and added many facts, or at least legends, about the magnitiseur who appeared at Ostrow and astonished Europe in his trial in Munich.

Czeslaw Liubtsch Czynski had lived a spendthrift life as a gambler, supporting himself, at first, by holding seances, aided by a woman named Eli R., who he had promoted from maid to medium. Then he married a rich “Jewess”, robbed her of her property of 15,000 rubels, and took off, stage right. In Berlin he met Justine Marger. The two became lovers, had a child, held seances and healings in Krakow, Warsaw, Posen, and performed small miracles, or swindles.  The Prussian cops eventually started pulling him in – then expelled him from Prussia. So the two took the train for Dresden in Saxony.

Prester Lloyd, a German language paper in Budapest, approached Baroness B., who was mentioned as one of Czinski’s victims by the Nowosti. Would she talk?

She did.  

Her story is as follows: it all began with one of those little Baroness problems – her pearl earrings went missing. A friend had told her that there was a somnambule in town who could help.

Somnambules were well known to be finders of lost objects. And even though they were not always the most clean or honest looking agents, they were not, somehow, lowering, as it is lowering to have a policeman sniffing into one’s affairs.

In 1893, when Baroness B. came to see the little nervous man with long hair in his eyes, he had not explained his theory to the world, partly because at this point he was still the magnitiseur, and not the magnetisée. The latter role was played, in the clinic on R. strasse, by a woman (a stout woman, Baroness B. called her), Wiecinska, who came with Czynski to Dresden from Poland. This woman was none other than Justine Marger.   

Baroness B. only knew that the Professor Czynski had piercing eyes and pictures of saints and photos of hysterics on his office wall. In the waiting room, the company was distinguished. Even some Americans were there.  On that first day, she explained her situation to the Professor. The missing earrings – her earrings – an inheritance from her dear mother!

She explained that the earrings went missing after she had had a massage session – her legs, she suffered pains, it seems. Did the masseuse take them? But how could she, the pearls were in another room.

The piercing eyes, the long hair, leant over the desk, hands clasped, and listened. He began to question her in broken German. He was, he charmingly explained, not fluent in the language. She responded in French. He spoke French! In fact, he had taught French in Poland. In his travels. He had studied in Paris. Soon it developed that the loss of the earrings was a subordinate distress. There was the pangs in her legs. There was her sense of listlessness. There were her dreams.

A number of sessions later, Czynski  literally threw himself at her feet. Soon he was begging her to participate in a “two day hypnosis experiment.” For science! To seal the pact between them, he gave her a ring.

Thus began the Baroness’s adventures. At one point, she heard Czynski’s voice, in her head, ordering her to go visit Cosima Wagner at Bayreuth. Baroness B. went to Bayreuth, visited the round of Wagner houses, and came back to the clinic in Dresden. None of the Wagners, it turned out, were home. After having shown herself so obedient, naturally Czynski felt that more hypnosis was needed. Hypnosis, money, hypnosis, diamonds, hypnosis, intimacy. Baroness B.  “did the most crazy things and felt she was being dissected alive and all the nerves in her body were quivering.”

This went on until Baroness B. was checked, by her father, into a mental institute. Her father threatened. Diamonds were given back. But by this time Czynski had found another Baroness – Baroness Z. Damenkleid (Museum Bautzen – Muzej Budyšin CC BY-NC-SA)

 

9.

The baroness was highly connected – wasn’t she a relation of some sort to the Kaiser? At least, she came from a high aristocratic family. Von Zedlitz und Neukirch. It was her brother that pushed for the arrest, the trial. Clemens. Very worried he was about Hedwig’s flightiness. Hedwig’s property. The castle she inherited at Luga.  And not so happy, presumably,  that his own marriage, to Cornelia Roosevelt in 1889, had provoked a lot of press coverage of their ante-nuptial contract: as if he were, of all things, marrying an American heiress for her money! Thus, in this psychodrama, a man who had been written about as though he were after the property of his wife faces a man who was also written about as if he were after the property of his bride. Although, in the second case, bride is in quotation marks. Not really his bride. Not really.

And you had to admit, Czynski was a man that a flighty woman, an unmarried woman in her thirties, a woman whose father had introduced her to the transcendental world of spiritist seances, might fall for.

‘His exterior helped him: dark hair, fascinating eyes, a well kept beard, a spotless, almost foppish, mostly black wardrobe, thus taking on the aspect of a man of the world, the passonate temperament of one of Polish blood, a baritone voice and the curious charm of his foreign accent and spotty German!” – From: the Sex Life of Hysterics.

It was in Munich where they held the trial. A jury trial. The jurors, of course, all men. According to German law, four “laymen” and three “experts”. In this case, the experts were psychologists.  A unique case, and an irresistible one for the newspaper reader. It had nobility, it had seduction, it had mind control, it had those experts on psychology and those experts on what was not yet called para-psychology. After it was over, all the experts wrote about it, as though compelled. Something about the interface between sex and the fantasy of being overwhelmed by a mental, a spiritual force outside oneself. Something about this swindler – as he was called by the psychiatrists, who gave no credence to his version of things – set all the nerves in the fin-de-siecle Zeitgeit quivering.

Czynski had incautiously written to Dr. Du Prel in Switzerland, sending him a pamphlet and a letter. In the letter he had written: “For many years I have tried, in vain, to persuade people that the hypnotiser has the power to complete dominate an other person’s mental life [ein fremdes Seelenleben]”. Du Prel had casually buried the pamphlet and the letter with other correspondence and papers and forgotten about it until he received another letter, this one a wedding announcement from Czeslaw Czynski and Baroness von Zedlitz. He, as it happened, knew the Baroness.

He wrote an account of the case for Der Zukunft. And later included another account in tome 3 of his, Wanidis, Der Triumph der Wahns, the one on Arian Sex Religions.  He compared Czynski to Jeronimo Scotto, a sixteenth century magician who put the wife of Herzog Johann Kasimir von Koburg “under a spell” in the year 1592.  

Du Prel had a great interest in the occult, in spiritualism, as well as in the latest findings from Charcot and the French psychologists.  

Albert von Schrenk-Notzing, famous for his scientific explorations of parapsychology, with a special study of ectoplasmic materialization,  also testified at the trial, and also wrote about the case, in a pamphlet in which Hubert Grashey, another expert at the trial, jotted down his conclusions about  the possibility of the criminal use of hypnosis given the strength of the individual’s free will. The trial was a most gratifying opportunity to air certain theories. Dr. Hirt, from Breslau, testified. So did Dr. Preyer, who was much impressed by the hypothesis of occult powers. So did Dr. Fuchs, who dismissed all of it as hocus pocus. Secular trickery would, for him, do – the subtext being that the Baroness fell in love with a swindler, what is the big deal? – in this as in so many other cases.   Czynski, though not at all happy to be imprisoned, to have his name impugned in this manner, must have been pleased that his theories were finally being discussed by serious men. Where had  Czynski learned his hypnotic technique? At the university in Poland where he took a degree in philosophy? Or did he attended seminars with Dr. Charcot?  What about the document attesting to his medical studies by one Gérard Anaclet Vincent Encausse, aka Papus? Well, Papus was an occultist, and no right psychologist, according to the Court’s experts. On the other hand, every village had its somnambule. Suggestion was in the air. He could have apprenticed to a strolling magnetiseur, much like he himself.

Suggestion was so much in the air that the prosecution asked for Czynski not to be present in the courtroom when  Baroness von Zedlitz entered and  testified, as his power over her, she feared, would make her confused. As she walked to the front of the court to give her testimony, she wore a veil. When she testified, she raised it up. She testified in a “clear and precise voice.” The defence disagreed with taking Czynski from the courtroom, as wasn’t this a concession to what the court was to decide, viz., his psychic power over her? but finally agreed that the first half of her testimony would be in a Czynski-free courtroom, and that he would reappear after she had testified about the facts in the case.  

Everything was complicated by the idea that, by post-hypnotic suggestion, the subject’s memory of the suggestion, or memory connected with what was suggested, could be erased. How could the witness testify to what, if she was speaking the truth, could only be revealed if she was hypnotised again, to forget the command to forget?

As well, a posteriori, Baroness von Zedlitz was credited with a modesty and religious sense that was felt to be natural to a single woman of high rank in her thirties. Late 30s. 39. Was the word, “spinster”?  And perhaps she was the woman she was presented as. Or perhaps her confession that she had been “intimate” with Czynski was not inconsistent with the sex life she wanted to live. There are so many levels of assumption, here. There is a struggle that one has to be blind not to see is a very male, a very patriarchal struggle, and that very struggle was under stress from the paranormal edges. As Czynski pointed out: “The whole accusation, could be traced back to the dishonorable and base denunciation of Freiherr Clemens von Zedlitz, who wanted, in conjunction with her father, to get their hands on his sister and through his [Czynski’s] incarceration to seize her properties through threats and intimidation. The jail for me, the crazy-bin for the daughter…”

This was not a completely unreasonable argument.

10.

In fact, this is what must have happened. Hedwig von Zedlitz suffered from headaches and stomach aches. On  the 12 of August, 1893, she was living in Dresden and suffering even more, with it being so hot that summer, than usual. Could she find no relief? She had seen a report in the Dresden newspaper about a healer who had founded a clinic on R. Strasse, based on all the spiritually fashionable principles: massage, homeopathy, electricity and magnetisation. The power of suggestion.

She went to the clinic. She was treated, according to the trial, at the clinic, at a hotel, and even at her baronial estate in Lubau.

It was all a matter of transference. Wiecinska would be magnetised. She would hold Baroness Hedwig’s hand. The Baroness would be magnetised. The pains would be transferred to the somnambule. It was unclear whether the sessions involved undressing the Baroness, or whose hands were placed on her stomach to remove the pains. Czynski claimed he did not touch the Baroness. The Baroness testified to a “pressure” on her eyelids, she could barely open her eyes.

All of the papers spoke of an “intimate relationship”.

It was in October 1893 that Czynski confessed to the Baroness: he was in love! He, a poor man, burdened with an unfaithful wife. The Baroness, who assumed that the doctor was having an “intimate relationship” with his medium, was surprised. Did the Baroness love him? Or was this feeling in her the result of post-hypnotic suggestion? He was a poor man, a hypnotist, little better than a fair ground barker – but he assured her he was a fallen member of a noble family. Lithuanian nobility, if you will. Hard to look up, not in the usual registers of the nobility.

She felt for him a certain pity. So she testified. Was she hypnotized, was she under the “Dusel”? This is the name Czynski and she gave to her half sleep. A sort of twilight consciousness, pleasant, uninfected with pain. In this state, she decided to marry Czynski, who on his part said that first he would convert to Protestantism, then finish divorcing his wife, then marry the Baroness.

‘The question of whether they had “intimate relations” was affirmed by the Baroness, who was also asked whether this happened in her half-sleep state.” She said that this happened because she felt overwhelmed by Czynski – but she did not feel she did this because of a hypnotic suggestion. In her view, it was simply a humane gesture.

Czynski then made a few mistakes. In January, the Baroness and Czynski went to Switzerland. As a couple. They sent out wedding announcements. Thus, many of the Baroness’s friends and family were alerted to the marriage for the very first time.

Then Czynski went to Vienna. There, he met a man named Stanislaus Wartalski, at the Café Central. This Wartalski was a traveling pastor of some type. A street corner preacher from Warsaw. Czynski knew people.  Wartalski agreed to find a pastor for the nuptials, or, if that did not work, do it himself. In the event, Wartalski, who presented himself as a regular pastor named Simon Werthmann at the hotel Europäischer Hof on February 8, 1894, performed the marriage ceremony – a pseudo-marriage, the papers called it.  A pre-nuptial contract was made – at Czynski’s insistence – which did not exactly shower Czynski with riches.  Czynski specifically objected to a line in the contract that gave him 6000 marks per year in the event of the Baroness’s death. A wedding licence – a pseudo-licence - was signed, the guests toasted, the couple went off to renew their “intimate relations” in a hotel room.

On February 18, Czynski was arrested. The Baroness was taken in hand by her father and brother. Was this a matter of protecting Hedwig from a swindler – or keeping Hedwig’s property for themselves? When Czynski’s attorney asked the question, Clemens at first refused to answer such impertinence. Urged by the court, he answered that he only acted out of love for the family.

10.

The jury in the event decided that Czynski did not force Hedwig to marry him, but he did marry her under false pretences. 3 years in jail was the sentence.

11.

The theologian Schleiermacher took a somnambule into his household, Karoline Fischer, who began to rule the household with an iron hand.

There is a long line of Swiss Somambules. For instance, Jenny Azaela, Mme Schmidt. She had the whole portfolio: ecstasy, telepathy, clairvoyance, blind vision, the ability to read using different parts of her body – for instance, her elbow and her navel. The pastor who magnetized her married her. She had to be magnetized once a day. Died at the age of seventy.

The Jouve couple, in Lyon. The wife was the somnambule, the husband the magnetiseur. Standard arrangement. They were in court once due to the fact that their dear friend, Mme Gundrand, left them her fortune when she died. Question: was she under the suggestion of the magnetiseur?

Freud’s disciple, Ferenczi, met a certain Mme Jelenik, in Budapest. Unfortunately, to consult her he had to depend on her “violent looking husband”, her magnitiseur. Ferenczi’s second session with her was in her bedroom: “a room with windows on the alley and very shabby furniture and an oppressively unpleasant smell.” What happened when he husband came in and magnetised her was not very earthshaking. However, she did tell Ferenczi that while he depended on his master, Freud, Freud also depended on Ferenczi. Ferenczi invited Freud to meet Mme Jelenik. Freud did not respond to his invitation.

In Paris, according to an old feuilleton, one used to go to the Rue de la Michodière to find a somnambule. A magnetic salon, on 13 Rue de la Michodière, was ruled over, in the 1850s, by the wife of philosopher Charles Renovier. In George du Maurier’s Peter Ibbetson, the narrator ends up in the clutches of a magnetiseur while staying in a hotel on Rue de la Michodière.

I recently went to that street. I went to, as it were, catch some glimpse in the ether. The street is now camped on by a theatre, a big BNL office (under construction) and several Asian restaurants.  There is no longer a sign of somnambulism. There is no longer a sign, even, of Madam Renovier or her husband. I went around the corner to a restaurant on Rue de 4 Septembre, ordered a wine, and took out a notebook and waited. But nothing came.

The heart was pumping. I was registering no pain in the old sensorium.  If I looked to my right, I could see a three people, smiling, drinking beer, talking. If I looked ahead of me, in the café, I could see two waiters standing by the cash register, and a woman behind it. The world of work, the world of sociability, the city, the September sky. Wasn’t this the Sunday of Life? And yet somehow nothing occurred to me. The charm of the common, the wealth of the common, the commonwealth, in its ordinary aura, and none of it was reaching me.

I had planned to end this zigzag through the somnambules on Rue de la Michodière. I was going to include some bit about the Cabinet of Doctor Caligari. Some shoutout to Cesare. The wig and makeup for Caligari, I had read somewhere, was vaguely modelled on a photograph of Schopenhauer. And I thought that could bring this thing to the source of my inspiration, originally, as it was in reading Schopenhauer’s essay on the “apparent intentionality in the fate of the individual” that I had read his proof via somnambule of fate and the absolute determination of the future and thought that would be a good ending, a portent, an intersigne.

But nothing was occurring to me. I could not tie this together.

So I stared at my notebook.

From where I was sitting, I could walk around seven, ten blocks and hit 15 Rue Vivienne. The first recorded residence of Isadore Ducasse, aka Lautréamont,  in Paris. In the psychogeographical field formed by the old Bibliothèque Nationale and the Bourse. Is there a somnambule in Les Chants de Maldoror? Write that down. Surely. The anti-encyclopedia, the anti-epic. I thought of a recent article I read about a supposed photograph of Isadore Ducasse, first published in 1998. It was discovered in the collection of old books and paintings of a bookstore owner and collector, an Armenian, who had lived in Paris for decades and then one day simply not showed up at his bookstore. So some interested party, an employee, a friend, went to check him out and found him in his apartment, his head in a noose tied to a radiator, his face unrecognizable from the beating he had received, and paintings of great value – Picasso, Picabia – on the wall, untouched. Nothing stolen. He must have had heirs of some kind, they go through his stuff, they get experts, one of them finds the photograph.

It came from the atelier of A. Ken, who happened to live just a block from Isadore Ducasse at his last address on Boulevard Montmartre. The photograph shows a sallow young man, whose glance is downward and not quite towards the camera. His elbow is on a piece of furniture, one of those chests of drawers with a mirror behind it that you would always find in the apartments of young bachelors in Paris in the Second Empire.

Two things stand out. The first his ultra silly haircut, a sort of modified Prince Valient without the flip curl at the end. Black hair, greased down. And the second thing was the huge overcoat he wore over a jacket and an enormous scarf-like tie. A ludicrous combination. He holds, as well, an enormous top hat. Surely if this is Isadore Ducasse, the entire ensemble is worn with the utmost irony.

However, the article I read proves conclusively that this is not Isadore Ducasse. It is a picture of a minor literatus of the late nineteenth century. Not of the inventor of the end-of-literature literature that begins with the Chants de Maldoror and is still with us. A framed photo of a person standing next to a desk

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Nothing occurs to me to connect this photo, which was in the room the evening its owner was clubbed to death, with my rather ridiculous theme. Nothing connects. Nothing connects. I’ve run out of things to say about somnambules. I want simply to quote Dr. Caligari, in the last scene of the film, when the mad patient is carried out of his office screaming and the doctor says to himself: At last I understand his delusion… Now I know exactly how to cure him!

I’ve always thought that was a most sinister line. I’ve never trusted Dr. Caligari.

Friday, October 10, 2025

An outsider saint: olympe de Gouges

 


What becomes a legend best? This was the hook of an old furrier advertising campaign, famous for showing Liliane Hellman in a mink stole. But the hook deserves a better fate than to go to advertising heaven in a chorus of skinned weasels. For what becomes a legend best is a bad end, which is what happened to Olympe de Gouges, that fabulous existence, the bastard daughter of a seller of used clothes and – so she claimed – one of the great 18th century literary talents. She refused, however, to name that talent. Others claimed Louis XV. In fact, Gouges’ downfall was due to her strenuous and heroic advocacy for Louis Capet, who she was by no means willing to see led to the guillotine. Was this an act of sisterly sympathy? No, it was the common sense of genius. As the anarchist Malatesta said, a century later, far better kill a chicken than a king, for at least you can eat a chicken. Which is pretty much the definitive argument against all capital punishment, if you ask me.

How is a woman of such doubtful origins not to get lost in the bog? It is another case of the encounter of the third life and the adventurer’s character. She started out marrying a rich merchant when she was merely 15 – an unusually young age in a country where the average age of marriage for someone of Gouges’ class was twenty five. She was more than fortunate, though, in her marital choice – not only did they have a child right away, but the rich merchant conveniently died, like an inconvenient secondary in one of Angela Carter’s fairy tales. One of her biographers – Lairtuilliers – claims that she was particularly adept at the game of decamptivos – like Lotte’s game in Sorrows of Young Werther, a surprisingly crude and childish affair. It consisted of someone, elected to be King of the Fern, saying decamptivos – which would make all guests, who were grouped into couples, scatter out of sight. They had to stay out of sight for fifteen minutes. If they were late coming back, the king would fine them. Of course, one assumes the fifteen minutes were spent in kissing and groping, but just putting off and putting on clothes would take enough time to make more extensive sex unlikely.
Lairtuillier includes an almost unbelievable claim – except that everything about Olympe is quasi-unbelievable:
“But she had not yet arrive at that stormy phase in her life, and it was necessary that before that time, another demon took hold of her: that of letters. I can affirm, writes M. Dulaure in the Sketches, that madame de Gouges, author of novels and plays, did not know how to read or write, and dictated her productions to her secretaries. “They never taught me anything,” she says somewhere; raised in the countryside, where French was badly spoken, I didn’t know the principles; I didn’t know anything, and I made a trophy of my ignorance; I dictated with my soul, never with my mind. The natural seal of genius is on all of my productions.” The public didn’t completely agree with the last part of this opinion. But we are going to see that this woman, whose vocation was so strongly marked by revolutionary crises, of whose nature it was to be all action and speech, and who seemed to be made for nothing other than mounting to the political assault, knew also, to use the expression of George Sand, how to “throw her soul outside herself and lend it to the heroes of the drama.” [54-55]
The idea that she couldn’t read or write is common to her story, as told by the nineteenth century historians. Michelet says the same thing, and all attribute this fact to… her own testimony. In the preface to her play, The corrected philosopher, she writes:
“I don’t have the advantage of being educated; and as I have already said, I know nothing. I will thus not take the title of author, although I have already been announced to the public by two plays which they have very well received. Thus, not being able to imitate my colleagues by either my talents or my pride, I listened to the voice of modesty which completely agrees with me.”

O O, but what becomes a legend most is that the legends never agree. More recent reseach has turned up quite a different story about Olympe de Gouges. A good place to start is the excerpts, taken from a biography of Guillotine, written by Henri Pigaillem, which he presents on his blog. She was the daughter of a butcher and a washerwoman, but her grandfather was wealthy enough, and the family, the Gouzes, were close to a local noble family in Montauban – Pigaillem claims that she received some training by the nuns, and it does seem unlikely that the family would have left their daughter illiterate. She married to her father’s partner at 15 and didn’t like the blessed state of matrimony, so, as in a Tom Waits ballad, she encountered a man who had to do with the riverboats and took off with him to Paris. Jacques Biétrix de Rozières.
Being quite beautiful, she made use of her beauty to become a kept woman, and king of the fern be damned if she stayed the extra fifteen minutes in the shadows beyond the other players. Born Marie Gouze, she renamed herself something more pompous and personal. At thirty she decided to become a writer – and the story that she was illiterate is likely an exaggeration, for by this point she’d spent fifteen years in good, educated company. Megan Conway’s essay on Olympe de Gouges tries to sort through what is legendary and what is not about a woman who wrote forty plays, numerous fictions, and of course many pamphlets. Gouges might have received some help – she was a close friend, if not lover, of Louis-Sebastian Mercier, for instance – but she also liked to put herself on display as a Rousseau-ist type, sowing doubts about her education. Conway concludes that it is unlikely that she couldn’t read, and likely that she was at least literate, although she surely also dictated to secretaries. Conway writes that her disconcerting vanity, the way all general topics are interrupted by her particular peeves, makes it hard to read her since she was “so undeniably obnoxious.”
Olympe de Gouges, at this distance, has been wrapped in the perfumed saliva of a didactic history that searches for feminist predecessors in the vast era of the Holocene, before the factory chimneys went up. She was less feminist than Gouges-ist. She was an outsider, and she considered that a mark of nobility in the French revolution, when all the nobility had thrown away their names. She followed a creed that she thought was Rousseau’s – which might be paraphrased, via Kerouac, as first moral judgment, best moral judgment. It is extremely hard to say if she really dictated her works – surely, in 1793, it was a little difficult to find secretaries for the job – but “dictation” of a sort was certainly at the center of her pamphleting, her posters, her letters to the assembly, her violent taunting of Robespierre. What came out of her mouth was like a revelation, and she would be its prophet and martyr. She would be the Queen of the Fern in the streets of Paris in 1793. And she would die gloriously, her blood rising up to pull down and utterly destroy her murderers.
Another outsider saint

Tuesday, October 07, 2025

Manners is woke

 According to Marc Fumaroli, the French word, politesse, was a borrowing from the Italian, pulitezza – one of the Italian exports to France in the sixteenth century, along with Leonardo da Vinci. The Italian word, Fumaroli notes, is “a translation of latin words, urbanitas, politia, which refers us back to the Greek, polis, in other words to the harmony of the political body.

The veins of etymology are inexhaustible.
This overlap between the city, politics and politeness is not just a way of getting to the salon talk among French aristocrats: it is, as well, at the heart of a long American dynamic that pits the Jacksonian, the countryside populist, against the abolitionist radical. The Jacksonian’s manners are all defiance and self-assertion; the abolitionist defies, as well, but founds itself on a higher sense of manners – manners as recognition. Manners that, drowned in the democratic flood, saturated through and through, comes back as recognition, as a heightened sense of the equality of the other, and a heightened sense, as well, for the humiliation that the Jacksonian accords to those who stand in the way of the privileged countryside class. To recognize that manners are owed to the other, to the black, the Indian, to women, is to operate by bits and pieces of everyday behavior to bend the order towards justice for all.
American manners poses the question: can respect, urbanity, be accorded to an other that is totally subjected?
This has long been the violent question at the heart of the American dream of order – a violence the brunt of which is being borne, today, once again by people of color.
The standard American political thinker of the moment, be she academic or pundit, spends too little time thinking about manners, that micro-disarmement, that form that holds together those birth twins, politics and politesse.
“Evidently, politeness, in the generic sense of the duties of man in society, is inflected according to the principles of the political regime.” The New Left, Fumaroli observes, rejected politesse in the 1960s. Fumaroli was an inveterate anti-68 figure: a conservative of the French type, prone to call himself “liberal”. Fumaroli’s observation, to me, is a definite hit. Manners, in the old New Left view, were a form of hierarchical passive aggression, and needed to be liquidates so that comrade could speak freely to comrade. What the New Lefties didn’t recognize was that the manners of very hierarchical society acted, in that society, as a kind of utopian exit from the cruelties inherent to that hierarchy. But the utopian form of quotidian intercourse that minds its manners, that grounds itself on respect and recognition – that is the kind of thing that gets us back to the more radical impulse of the abolitionist tradition.
Manners is woke.

2

France, I sometimes think, is held together by bonjour. Sometimes, living here in Paris, I forget. I go into a store, I stumble around looking for something, I see an employee, and the American in me comes out and I say something like, can you tell me where the tortillas are? Some dumb question. And I get a cold response. I deserve it.

I did not say bonjour.

In the French language itself, as every student knows, there is a tu and a vous. When I was learning this in the states in high school, I thought that this must have been some 18th century thing. Surely not a common thing now? But you quickly learn, in France, that as a foreign accented person, you might be excused for a tu, but that this is a very real thing.

In the South where I grew up, around Atlanta, you had sir and ma’am. I didn’t use sir very much, but ma’am is a permanent routine of my tongue aerobics. It comes out quite without my thinking.

These links of bonjour and ma’am are, the rationalist, the calculator thinks, dispensable things. The lefty thinks it is all shuffle and jive, while behind the scenes, in the secret transcript, it is resistance (a magical, inflated word)  – while the righty thinks it is a sign of weakness while rudeness and the habit of humiliating others is a sign of strength. 

I can see where these two ideologies come from But I also think that these links that bind us are integral to the way we do things with each other. A barbarous remnant, a price which civilization must pay to barbarism or face the penalty of inhumanity. At the moment, it seems to me, civilization is embracing inhumanity hard.

I can’t sir or ma’am or bonjour that.

Sunday, October 05, 2025

Among the colossi: Coriolanus and fascism

 Coriolanus is the most unloveable of Shakespeare’s tragic heroes, and he casts an eagle’s cold shadow over the play. In the 30s, the play came in for a lot of attention from the likes of people like Wyndham Lewis, since there seemed to be such obvious hookups between Coriolanus and fascism – in an era when fascism still designated a tight bundle of material characteristics, instead of now, when fascism has been psychologized – although the thirties version, with the authoritarian doddard in the U.S., is coming back. Among the material characteristics for English writers (not only Lewis, but, for example, Shaw) was the idea that politics ultimately boiled down to leadership.

However, Coriolanus acted, even then, as a counter-case to the cult of leadership – even if it did not lead one to a possible politics of non-leadership. I am, of course, obsessed at the moment – the extended moment of this sad century - with the state, war, the treadmill of production, and my sense that a bad change of emotional customs is in the offing – a jump to an absolutely transactive ethos, in which exchange means all. Just as the jealous man sees the world in green and the man on the blue guitar sees the world in blue, I see the system of commodified violence, the epoch beginning with the mass death initiated in 1492, reaching its extreme limit in the death of the ocean and the theft of the atmosphere, those approaching norms of planetary mortality, in every raindrop that falls. Given this, I’m going to import my obsessions into a play that seems to invite them.
In the past, we read the play in conjunction with North’s translation of Plutarch’s life, and with Stanley Cavell’s essay, who does the wolf love?
The events in the play are set at the beginning of the Roman Republic. The plebians have rebelled against the debt they have been forced into in order to feed themselves, and which they are desperately repaying by selling themselves and their families into bondage. The oligarchs, of course, then as now, are on the lender’s side. The rebellion finds expression in a threat to migrate from Rome, and the plebes even settle on a hill near Rome. They are persuaded to come back by an embassy from the oligarchs headed by Menenius, depicted by Shakespeare as one of those grand old pols: a drinker, close to the oligarch families but able to understand, if not approve, of the plebe culture. Think of a machine Democrat – or even one of the Longs. Earl Long, for instance. Menenius tells the plebes the ‘parable of the belly’ – which is basically the same in North’s Plutarch and in Shakespeare – and – as much by his willingness to talk to them at their own level as by the parable itself – wins them back to Rome.

At this opportune time, the Volsces threaten the Roman state. Caius Martius (aka Coriolanus), who has been the most intransigent opponent of the plebes, and especially indignant at the creation of plebian offices, like the tribunes of the people (the ancient equivalent of DEI), joins the Roman army and performs such heroic feats against the Volsces that he almost personally drives them back. According Coriolanus is heavily favored to become consul. However, in order to take that office, he must gain the voice of the people through the ritual forms – and in the process, Coriolanus shows himself so scornful of the people and the forms that he incites the popular will against him and is exiled from Rome. In exile, he joins the Volsces to get revenge on his native city – only to be greeted, at the gates, by his mother, who begs him to spare Rome. Coriolanus bows to his mother’s will, betrays the Volsces, and suffers for that betrayal.
Now, one interesting note about the above described plot. In Plutarch, the revolt of the plebes is described like this: “… it fortuned that there grew sedition in the city, because the Senate did favour the rich against the people, who did complain of the sore oppression of usurers, of whom they borrowed money. For those that had little, yet were spoiled of that little they had by their creditors, for lack of ability to pay the usury: who offered their goods to be sold to them that would give most. And such as had nothing left, their bodies were laid hold on, and they were made their bondmen, notwithstanding all the wounds and cuts they shewed, which they had received in many battles, fighting for defence of their country and commonwealth: of the which, the last war they made was against the Sabines, wherein they fought upon the promise the rich men had med them that from thenceforth they would intreat them more gently…” In a brilliant bit of the negation of the negation, Shakespeare inverts this (o black magic moment, that hath such monsters in it!) and makes it Coriolanus who has to show his wounds to the people in order to get their voice – a ritual he is unwilling, in the end, to go through with.
So the people never really see his wounds – he is a wound tease – although the people (in the audience) have witnessed the getting of them. It is part of the unloveliness of Coriolanus that his attack on the people extents to an attack on the audience, of which it is a safe bet that 99 percent will not possess the bloodlines such as a Coriolanus would respect. Talk about putting a shark filled moat around identifying with the hero.




2.

In the Lion and the Fox, Wyndham Lewis notices the small and large effects of “boy” in Coriolanus, the ripples in the semantic field.. How boy as an insult stirs Coriolanus to a murderous rage – and how "boy" encloses him, shapes him to be forever the boy of his mother Volumnia, that unloving woman, keeps him in its bounds from youth to manhood to death. It is a play in which Coriolanus’s downfall begins with his mother begging him to play a role and beg the plebians (whom she has taught him to despise) for their voices in order to become a tribune, to the end of his trajectory, when Volumnia pleads for Rome against her boy, who has betrayed it and is fighting against it for the Volscians.

A long quote here:

“The scene to which this critical confrontation of the mother and son should be compared is the last scene of all, when he is killed by Aufidius and his followers. The word with which he is dismissed from the scene of this world is “‘ Boy,”’ and he is shown as resenting it very much indeed. “
Aufidius. He has betray’d your business, and given up, For certain drops of salt, your city Rome
(I say ‘ your city ’) to his wife and mother ;
Breaking his oath and resolution, like
A twist of rotten silk; never admitting Counsel o’ the war; but, at his nurse’s tears,
He whin’d and roar’d away your victory ;
That pages blush’d at him, and men of heart Look’d wondering at each other.
Cor. Hear’st thou, Mars ?
Auf. Name not the god, thou boy of tears !
Cor. Ha!
Auf. No more.
Cor. Measureless liar, thou hast made my heart Too great for what contains it. Boy !
O slave !— Pardon me, lords, ’tis the first time that ever I was fore’d to scold.”
But during the ensuing lines he goes on repeating “Boy!” —which epithet appears to have entirely overpowered him …”
Lewis puts his finger on the “boy” imago and sees it as the center of a certain British “snobbery’. I think that, since 1927 when the book was published, that “snobbery” has been politically stretched to cover a vast political space – currently the alt-right space, the neo-fascist space. And, on the American side, a curious apotheosis of “boy” – which pairs with “alpha male” in organizations that call themselves, for instance, Proud Boys.
In that sense, Coriolanus is no guide to our present fascism – or rather, a surveyors point that marks out a way of seeing the conjunction of fascism and the male youth cult. The ambiguities of “boy”, exploited by the profiteers of ressentiment.
Are there clues of a different order, however, in the play as Stanley Cavell interprets it in Who does the Wolf love (1983)?
In Lewis’s book, he devotes some time to what he considers Shakespeare’s third period, when “the gigantic figures of Othello, Lear, Antony, Macbeth, Timon, Coriolanus, fill the period of Shakespeare’s utmost maturity and power. » He calls them “colossi” – an eminently sculptural name, which substitutes for the term “hero”. I think that is a very brilliant suggestion, although it comes out of Lewis’s rather mad externalization program, which did him no favors when he tried to write novels. Lewis was, perhaps, meant to be England’s Brecht, a dramatist, and missed his mark.
In Cavell’s essay, I am drawn to the interlacing of the strand of revenge, the strand of narcissism, and the strand of an existentially thwarted desire as a way of understanding the motion, so to speak, of the colossus Coriolanus. And from that knot, to understand a certain puzzle in the history of fascism, even as it is being enacted now: the way in which revenge can never be ultimately satisfied until some collective suicide is enacted. To put this in crude terms, the catastrophe that resulted in the destruction of most of Germany’s cities, the mass death and destititution of its own population as it robbed and killed the Other on a global scale, was always in the mix from the beginning. Just as the most interesting thing about the buncombe fascism of Trump is that, at every point, the revenge he seeks is on the America he supposedly leads. Depression and destitution are in the mix: they are not alien to the program, not failures proof against the program, but the secret end the program seeks.
Cavell sees this in Coriolanus:
“You may say that burning as a form of revenge is Coriolanus's projection onto Rome of what he felt Rome was doing to him. This cannot be wrong, but it so far pictures Coriolanus, in his revenge, to be essentially a man like Aufidius, merely getting even; the picture requires refining. Suppose that, as I believe, in Coriolanus's famous sentence of farewell, "I banish you!" (III.iii.123), he has already begun a process of consuming Rome, incorporating it, becoming it. Then when the general Cominius tried in vain to plead with him to save Rome, and found him to be "sitting in gold, his eye / Red as 'twould burn Rome" (V.i.63-64), he somewhat misunder- stood what he saw. He took Coriolanus to be contemplating something in the future whereas Coriolanus's eye was red with the present flames of self-consuming. Consuming the literal Rome with literal fire would accordingly only have been an expression of that self-consuming. Thus would the city understand what it had done to itself. He will give it horribly what it deserves. Thus is the play of revenge further interpreted.”
Once we absorb Cavell’s point, it is hard to see the logic of the play any other way. As he writes:
“The fact that he both has absolute contempt for the people and yet has an absolute need for them is part of what maddens him.”
The ability to be maddened is a property of the colossus. The charlatan, who approaches the colossus in his greed, is less worried by dependence on the crowd he or she needs. There is, as it were, an incomplete interiorization at work there: in as much as the charlatan really believes in the rewards, the money or luxuries, that he accrues for himself. The downfall of the charlatan is a lesser kind of tragedy – it is, even, a comedy. In a society with a democratic ethos, the charlatan is relatively easy to recognize – the comedians, in fact, get there first. But the colossus, that is another story. A bad one.
So what shall it be? This is the question we all have to wrestle with.
“AUFIDIUS
My lords, when you shall know—as in this rage,
Provoked by him, you cannot—the great danger
Which this man’s life did owe you, you’ll rejoice
That he is thus cut off. Please it your Honors
To call me to your senate, I’ll deliver
Myself your loyal servant or endure
Your heaviest censure.”

It’s just that demon life has got you in its sway…

    In Fathers and Sons, Bazarov, the nihilist hero and the son of an old army doctor, makes a remark to his friend and disciple, Arkhady,...