“I’m so bored. I hate my life.” - Britney Spears
Das Langweilige ist interessant geworden, weil das Interessante angefangen hat langweilig zu werden. – Thomas Mann
"Never for money/always for love" - The Talking Heads
Thursday, July 26, 2012
Wednesday, July 25, 2012
literature's brooder
In the lexicon of cognitive states, brooding has a
distinctly low ranking. We meditate or reflect to achieve illumination;
brooding, however, is the prelude to a tantrum. To think means trying to see
the object of thought whole – but the brooder is peculiarly averse to letting
go of the object of thought, and thus condemns himself to repetition and
compulsion. Argument is meant to persuade us to let the personal go, to, in
effect, accept the autonomy of discourse. In Socrates’ dialogues, the argument
is often treated as though it were some live thing, a spirit, a genius that
must be respected. As such, the argument is extra-personal. From this
perspective, brooding is a failed, or at the very least, a pariah cognitive
act.
Yet, the brooder does have one fierce insight on his side,
for the ideology of cognition obscures the moment of surrender, or sacrifice,
in the release of the object of thought to the drift of discourse – to “what
everybody knows”. The brooder understands that argument’s aspiration to universality
is founded on blooding the personal, and that universality operates under the
rule of polemos, or war. To surrender a thought is, among other things, to
surrender.
Cioran is one of the great brooders. His longer essays can
seem wearying because his sentences are so highly worked that they seem not to
be building an argument, but to be resisting one. The readerly flow of the
essay is impeded by the brilliances of its individual moments. Cioran sometimes
seems like one of those brilliant
conversationalists who never, actually, converse – in as much as conversation
is marked by listening, while the brilliance of the conversationalist seems
impervious to hearing. It bears the mark of a certain deafness. And so it is,
sometimes, with Cioran, especially in his first texts.
Cioran’s development of a reader is a long, painful
abdication of the harangue and the monologue. To hear the other means, in a
sense, letting your style – the verbal front Cioran is so careful to maintain –
allow itself a certain vulnerability. Cioran begins to be readable, for just
this reason, in The Temptation to Exist. It is here that he actually goes the
distance, rather than contenting himself with the pure jab of the phrase.
It is here, too, that he takes as one of his objects of
thought brooding itself – although he doesn’t label the negative space he
opposes to reflection “brooding” as such. What he does is turn upon reflection,
in its institutional forms (literature and philosophy) his suspicion that
underneath the mask of liberality lurks the spirit of resentment, the eternal
return of a grievance. This notion has a long history, and we know its avatars:
Schopenhauer and Nietzsche in particular. It is the reactionary road to
enlightenment.
In Letter on some roadblocks (Lettre sur quelques impasses),
Cioran uses a trick that he employs, as well, in later texts to detach himself
from the brooder’s solipsism: the essay as a message to some correspondent. To
write a letter is not the same as engaging in a conversation, because letters are not subject to the vital
element in conversation – interruption. While conversations go by “turns”, the
violent can bear them away simply by interrupting, and there is nothing in the
rules that forbids this. But letters are, briefly, a space the producer
controls. At the same time, the letter must, however grudgingly, acknowledge
the addressee.
The impasses or roadblocks here collect around the hated
figure of the writer. On the pretence that Cioran is warning his friend against
publishing a book, he launches into an invective against the mere writer – the
littérateur – which, of course, produces a performative “impass” - since Cioran is very much a writer. This
allots him a paradoxical place in his argument. Cioran accepts the cynicism of
the paradox – he even exploits it. It is as though he were not so much a writer
as an anthropologist carrying out fieldwork on people like Cioran – other
writers. And in this guise, he is reporting on their rituals.
What is it that Cioran hates about the writer? It is, I think, the writer’s
tendency to be a moral entrepreneur – to wave about his sensitivity to right
and wrong as though it were a superiority, a talent. Underneath the moral
entrepreneur, Cioran spots the vacuity of the rhetorician:
‘Voltaire was the first litterateur to erect his
incompetence into a procedure, a method. Before him the writer, happy enough to
be next to events, was more modest: doing his job in a limited sector, he
followed his path and stuck to it. No journalist, he was most interested in the
anecdotal aspect of certain solitudes:
his indiscretion was inefficacious.
With our know it all (hableur) things changed. None of the
subjects which intrigued his times escaped his sarcasm, his demi-science, his
need for noise, his universal vulgarity.Everything was impure with him, except
his style…”
Note a key term for Cioran: impurity. Impurity, for Cioran,
is a hallmark of liberal enlightenment. To understand this, one has to
understand Cioran’s dallying with fascism of the most violent sort in the 30s,
and his brief stance as an admirer of Hitler.
This, actually, is the center of what Cioran brooded upon his whole life
long – his error, here, and his retraction. In the 30s, Cioran was very
explicit about his hatred of the Jews, his desire for war, his faith in great
and therapeutic violence that would stamp some hierarchy on the people for one
thousand years.
Later, in the late thirties in France, he began to change
his mind. He did not, as far as I am aware of, collaborate in the forties.
Rather, he went over and over the logic of his position, starting from the idea
that liberal Europe had suffocated itself under its own dead skin, exiled from
the sources of life itself. And yet, he retreated to the liberal side and renounced
violence: he renounced life-affirming war, and opted for death-affirming peace.
Violence, in Cioran’s view, makes us gigantic, larger than life, and we
renounce it at our peril. In History and Utopia he wrote:
“We employ our clearest vigils in taking apart our enemies
limb from limb, pulling out their eyes and guts, popping and emptying their
veins, crushing and pounding underfoot
each of their organs, and leaving them, for charity’s sake, merely the
enjoyment of their skeletons.” But, clearly, these are visions that Cioran now
does not want to see realized on the streets of the cities (where, as he
remarked somewhere else, he is always mildly astonished that everyone is not
killing everyone else). However, that renunciation has a price. The price is paid
in purity: “Not to venge oneself is to be enchained in the idea of forgiveness,
it is to sink into it, get stuck in it, it is to render oneself impure by the
hatred one strangles in oneself.”
Thus, the hidden dialectic between, on the one hand, the
universal vulgarisers of liberal society, and, on the other hand, the stocking
up of resentment and weakness. What distinguished the Fascist principle for
Cioran was its recognition of the logic of purity: it advocated violence not
for the sake of peace, but because violence was beautiful; bombing was
beautiful because it smashed and hurt our enemies down to the last generation;
mass murder was beautiful because you could see your true self in the pooled
blood of the victims. Cioran, at last, recognized this to be madness, but he
did not renounce the logic of purity – rather, he sought a catharsis through
rehearsing extreme statements in the paradoxical mode. After getting off to a
false start in life, he made false starts a hallmark of his style. And so
brooding, in his work, takes the place of reflection, and reflects, pallidly,
the dangerous fires that he had longed to light himself – and that then ran so
out of control that he was condemned to live in a world that was singed by the
destruction they wrought.
Thursday, July 19, 2012
on definition
Law and mathematics both developed under the steely eye of
the definition. History and literature developed behind definition’s back,
which is why both have a ludicrous bent. To understand the power and essence of
definition, one must free oneself from its seeming inevitability – one must
slip out from literature and history, rather than approach it from law and
mathematics.
Of course, once upon a time, definition was not such a
power. The idea that norms or numbers form a system, and that the system is coherent
and consistent, and that coherence and consistency are systematic – these
ideas, granted, were in the air, but they weren’t taken for granted. This is
not to tell the familiar story of the dreamtime of the folk – it is, rather,
that what a definition is, and why it should have such power, had not yet been
systematically developed. Which is to say that the system as a concept had,
itself, not been systematically developed. There was the moon, stars, tides and
the sun – that is, there was the cosmos – and there were the demons, heroes,
gods, and spirits – there was theology – and, retrospectively, we can see these
as systems. But – to put it in Hegelspeech – the system hadn’t thought of
itself yet.
Once upon a time is the pre-historical category of historical
time, and might be defined by… its lack of definition. Once upon a time does,
however, emerge in history. Although it has the curious property of only being
recognized retroactively – it is like the landscape that is revealed through
the backwindow of a moving car, which, however much we know that it is equal to
the landscape revealed through the frontwindow of the car just a moment ago,
bears the total impression of being behind us – a gestalt-switched twin.
To take a random instance, take IP rights. IP rights bet
everything on definition. But this, up until very recently, wasn’t so.
Take this from Sherman and Bentley’s
The Making of Modern Intellectual Property Law: the British Experience,
1760-1911:
“One of the most important points of contrast
between modern and pre-modern law is in terms of the way the law is organised.
While today the shape of the law is almost universally taken as a given ± the
general category of intellectual property law being divided into subsidiary
categories of patents, designs, trade marks, copyright and related rights ±
under pre-modern law there was no clear consensus as to how the law ought to be
arranged: no one way of thinking had yet come to dominate as the mode of
organisation. Rather, there was a range of competing and, to our modern eyes,
alien forms of organisation. It is also clear that, at least up until the
1850s, there was no law of copyright, patents, designs or trade marks, and
certainly no intellectual property law. At best there was agreement that the
law recognised and granted property rights in mental labour, although the
nature of this legal category itself was uncertain.”
Mental
labor, Sherman and Bentley claim, were treated in modern law the way the old
behavioralists treated ideas and mental events: as irritants and illusions,
having nothing to do with the case. Clearing your mind of mental labor, you go
forward from once upon a time and into the clear light of definitions that are
appropriate for corporate enterprises, or the modern laboratory, or the studio,
or private public collaborations, etc. – all the heavy tinsel of business and
policy speak.
I
mention this to underline the fact that though it may seem quaint to want to
actually examine the philosophical validity of definitions, quaintness can give
way to urgency if the police are at your door and you are accused of providing
links to pirates. It is at that moment that the average schmuck gets a full
glimpse of the armed power of the definition.
And
yet – still, I ask you, what is it? A genre? Is a definition like a poem or an
aphorism or a novel? A piece of language thinking of itself, a piece of
floating meta bumping into our everyday routines? Even asking what it is seems
to bring it up (its shadow swelling ominously) behind me. Is it a god, a demon,
or … after all … a human being?
Wednesday, July 18, 2012
metaphysics of paper4: fallen leaves
The waste books (there’s a Russian word for this, the
“fallen leaves’ genre, - Opavshelistika
-- seem to leave behind some anachronistic, animal trail in the modern system
of literature. That system connects the media and the university in a total
environment of writing that conditions the very notion of the “writer”: he’s a
journalist, a pundit, a poet, a novelist. In the twentieth century, the
writer’s most important work is to produce texts that can be taken up by the
cinema, or by television. The writer in the press produces opinions. Literature
informs the conversation in the press and the classroom, and prefers its
readers to be in the classroom or as members of a bookclub. It prefers, above
all, to see literature as a social function – from this point of view, solitude
is unmasked as bourgeois mystification, or as a psychological aberration.
This system has a place for the aliens of literature who
write the Opavshelistika, but it is in the nature of the
system that taking them seriously means metamorphosing them, curing them of the
solitude in which they are bathed. It is the cure that the waste book writers fear, or devise means to avoid. These
aliens take marginality and solitude as the conditions of the vocation of
writing – and insofar as these are the byproducts of failure (a failure to
market, to circulate, and to achieve the regard that comes with good business),
the waste book writers tend to will failure, to desire it as a sacred thing,
valuable in itself. It is by the crack in the golden bowl, the phrase that
doesn’t reach its end – it is by indirection, evocation, and the proper
appreciation of fortuna in the very production of writing that one reverses the
system’s unbearably invasive presence.
It is from the point of view of the will to failure that
Vasilli Rozanov, in Fallen Leaves, issues his condemnation of writing: “In my
opinion, the essence of literature is false: I don’t mean that the litterateurs
or, again, the ‘present times’ are bad, but instead the entire domain of their
action, and that “all the way to the root.” [my translation from the French]
Rozanov takes up a theme that feeds into the literary
guerilla’s rejection of the system, and its paradoxes. It is a theme that is
tonally always on a foray; however, these forays have a certain midnight air.
It is a theme that lends itself to incendiary grafitti. Yet, its producer, in
the morning, wakes up to the fact that he or she is still a writer. The waste
book, the marginal note, the rejection of literature, is also published, also
circulates, also provides us with a domain of study and of reference. Its
communicative content, however true, is falsified by its communicative form,
its necessary alliance with the system it rejects.
Rozanov sees,
clearly enough, that writing is an ethical – or, rather, cosmological
act.
“ ‘–I am buckling down to write, but is everybody going to
read me?”
Why this “I” and why this ‘they’ll read me”? It really means
“I am more intelligent than the others”, “the others are worth less than me.” It is a sin.”
In one of his letters, Van Gogh expresses the thought that
Jesus did not mean for his words to be written down, and would have been horrified
at the tradition of Christian literature. In a sense, the Gospel is founded on
a radical lack of faith – the writing signals that the apocalypse is
indefinitely deferred. The charismatic moment is lost as soon as it is finds a
medium – this is its melancholy, this is the contradiction that charisma
sublimates. Rozanov was of course
attracted to the apocalyptic moment, and he toyed with the vatic function of
the writer, all the way to the point of marrying his first wife, Appollinaria
Suslova, apparently on the strength of the fact that she had been involved in
that sado-masochistic relationship with Dostoevsky that the latter transposed
to the Gambler. His own vatic denunciations – of Jews, of Communists, finally
of Christ – are violent and, at the same time, never definite, never part of a
set code.
Interestingly, Rozanov was well aware that it was the, as it
were, material conditions of the written that defined the cultural system of
writing that he detested:
“What is new [ Rozanov is writing about his text, Solitaria]
is the tone, once again that of pre-Gutenberg manuscripts. In the Middle Ages,
one didn’t write for the public because, reasonably enough, the printing press
didn’t exist. And the literature of the middle ages are under many aspects
beautiful, strong, touching and deeply beneficent in its discretion. The new
literature has been up to a certain point victim of its excessive manifestation: after the invention of the
printing press, no one in general was capable of that, and no one, moreover,
had the courage to defeat Gutenberg.”
Rozanov himself, according to George Nivat, issued his books
in limited numbers, and he tried very much, in the Fallen leaves, to press the
occasion against the written – where it was written, what needed to be erased,
etc. At the same time, he wrote for the press – he wrote enormously for the
press. And from this perspective it is not so much Gutenberg but the great
yoking together of the press and the steam engine that his writing set out to
defeat, a cosmological struggle against the monologing super-ego.
“My real isolation, almost mysterious, made me capable of
doing it [defeating Gutenberg]. Strakhov said to me “Have the reader always
present in your mind, and write in such a way that everything be clear for
him.” But however much I try to imagine him, I never succeed. I could never
represent to myself the face of a reader, the approbation of a brain, and I
always wrote alone, essentially for myself. Even when I wrote to please, it was
as if I was throwing something over a precipice, making “a great laugh flash
out of the depths”, when there was nobody around me. I always liked to write my
“editorials” in the waiting room of journals, in the midst of visitors, their
discussions with the writers, in the coming and going, the noise, and me
planted there hatching an article “a propos of the last speech in the Duma”. Or
even in the hall of the editorial
board. One time I had to say to my collaborators, sirs, a little quiet
please, I’m writing a reactionary article (gestures, laughs, commentaries). The
hilarity was at its peak. Understanding nothing, just as before.”
Tuesday, July 17, 2012
Arles - travelogue - don't bet your life on posterity
He
didn’t know that it was a Santa Fe sky, say the sky of June 3, 1993,
same lowslung clouds, same flat earth, same encircling hills, same high
blue sky above the clouds, that he was seeing in that summer of 1888,
when he was bothered by the mistral and the rent and the need to
suppress his sexual instincts – the year he lived on half cooked
chickpeas and cheap alcohol – because Van Gogh never set eyes on New
Mexico. I however recognized it instantly, hanging there in the distance
outside the bus window as we swept by the acres of sun flowers and made
the turn into Arles from Tarascon, where we’d go off the train.
Arles it turns out was not the tourist mecca A. and I feared it might
be – seems they had all oiled off to the festival in Avignon – and we
settled in for our jaunt nicely after a small blowup at our hotel --
they tried to palm off a room to us that was deficient in the usual room
things – handles on doors, lampshades, and size, with the bathroom
competing with the bedroom in volume, which was not doing a favor to
either party. We achieved a more brilliant room, then we hied it to the
Place de Forum for lunch. I suggested to A, a little shamefacedly, that
we eat at the restaurant that claims to be the restaurant Van Gogh
painted at night (supposedly ornamenting his huge Cargmanole peasant hat
with little candles so he could see his canvas). Replete with poulpe
and nicoise salade, we then commenced a tour of Arles medievale, and the
river. Arles, like Santa Fe, hosts a lotta art in the summer –
everybody’s favorite stalker, Sophie Calle, had just been in town for an
expo – and it made a nice contrast between the old town’s winding,
narrow street, which crooked along like a map of the blind leading the
blind, and the affiches for past or present attractions which were glued
up all over the pressing walls. The weather was perfect Provence, the
kind that brings in flocks of retired British couples. They’d sneak up
behind us as we would read the carte outside of restaurants: Mum, ‘ere
it says they serve hommelette and frites! I wanted to try the taureau –
Arles is right proud of the running of its bulls, and has run them
through its cuisine as well, with local sauces and cuts. I liked it,
but, such is my feebleness and American decadence, I liked A.’s
entrecote de boeuf even more. The next day we used the ticket we’d
bought to gain entrance to all the sights on the ancien stuff – starting
with Allychamps, Champs Elysees, the street of sarcophagi, then on to
the Arene and the Thermes. A. said Arles was practically Italian. Bought
a book at Actes Sud, the bookstore/publisher, which has set up a
general emporium of culture (coffeehouse, exhibition place, cinema).
Then we lounged fashionably in a few squares, consuming beer, Perrier,
some green syrupy thing, a mystery novel, emails, and time – until we
had to move it to the railroad station and take the express train back
to Montpellier. We were sunburned, well fed, and pretty happy about our
one day jaunt/anniversary celebration.
Van Gogh, of course, left
Arles under less happy circumstances. After the unfortunate ear act and
the shutting up in the hospital, fifty Arles citizens signed a petition
to the mayor to have him expelled, which depressed him a lot. Reading
his letters, it is easy to see what an impossible man he was, messianic
in that D.H. Lawrence manner – but I have a huge weakness for the
wrestlers with the chthonic soul, the underground men, those who fizz
like some malfactured cherry bomb, refusing either to explode or sputter
out, and thus dangerous to approach. If only, for his sake, he had sold
a few paintings in his lifetime! If only, for our sake, he had sold a
few less paintings, or at least for less money, in his afterlife! Those
guys at the fin de siecle counted a lot on the Nachwelt – on the future.
They staked their work on posthumous fame. But, as Karl Kraus once
wrote, do we, the living, really deserve to be a posterity? Kraus
doubted we were up to the task. I do too.
Tuesday, July 10, 2012
metaphysics of paper 3
Viele Werke der Alten sind Fragmente geworden. Viele Werke
der Neuern sind es gleich bei der Entstehung. - Schlegel
There’s a story in Strabo that runs like this: “Neleus
succeeded to the possession of the library of Theophrastus, which included that
of Aristotle; for Aristotle gave his library, and left his school, [379] to
Theophrastus. Aristotle was the first person with whom we are acquainted who
made a collection of books, and suggested to the kings of Egypt the formation
of a library. Theophrastus left his library to Neleus, who carried it to
Scepsis, and bequeathed it to some ignorant persons who kept the books locked
up, lying in disorder. When the Scepsians understood that the Attalic kings, on
whom the city was dependent, were in eager search for books, with which they
intended to furnish the library at Pergamus, they hid theirs in an excavation
under-ground; at length, but not before they had been injured by damp and
worms, the descendants of Neleus sold the books of Aristotle and Theophrastus for
a large sum of money to Apellicon of Teos. Apellicon was rather a lover of
books than a philosopher; when therefore he attempted to restore the parts
which had been eaten and corroded by worms, he made alterations in the original
text and introduced them into new copies; he moreover supplied the defective
parts unskilfully, and published the books full of errors. It was the
misfortune of the ancient Peripatetics, those after Theophrastus, that being
wholly unprovided with the books of Aristotle, with the exception of a few
only, and those chiefly of the exoteric kind, they were unable to philosophize
according [380] to the principles of the system, and merely occupied themselves
in elaborate discussions on common places. Their successors however, from the time
that these books were published, philosophized, and propounded the doctrine of
Aristotle more successfully than their predecessors, but were under the
necessity of advancing a great deal as probable only, on account of the
multitude of errors contained in the copies.”
When matter emerges clumsily and definitively in the world of letters, it does so through certain favored modes and occasions: the fragment, the ruin, the lost. These expose the word’s entanglement in matter, the limit to its flights, the impossibility of the heaven of pure sense. The gnostic attitude begins with a deep appreciation of these seemingly accidental events. It is a revelation, one never to be gotten over by the prepared soul, that the text can be lost or patched, the copyist can mistake or the copy be blotted, the letter lost, the word abandoned or interrupted. These events, in the great tradition, the mainstream, are waved away as contingencies, but the gnostic draws a different metaphysical conclusion, which is that these events are inherent to the pact between sound and sense, paper and text, and that the entanglement between matter and letter, or the code and the message, ruins all the tower of Babel schemes for the one true metalanguage. This metaphysical conclusion, in modernity, strengthens the margins against the center, or the mainstream. The gnostic attitude flows into Marx’s dialectical materialism, which exploits the power of the negation of the negation, and into like enterprises that bet on the return of the repressed. It connects Marx with Michelet’s witch, who, in the dark night of the feudal claim to have represented the totality of the order of creation in the social order, registers her protest by reciting the Lord’s Prayer backwards, in following the “grand principe satanique que tout doit se faire à rebours, exactement à l’envers de ce que fait le monde sacré” – “great satanic principle that everthing must be done backwards, exactly the reverse of what the sacred world does.” More commonly, the gnostic appears, in modernity, in the guise of the clerk, bureaucrat, functionary who becomes aware, to a greater or lesser degree, of his non-productive function in the sphere of circulation. He becomes a metaphysical whistle-blower – a Kafka, a Pessoa, a Bartleby.
Sunday, July 08, 2012
On the hedgehog
In a
famous essay, the Fox and the Hedgehog, Isaiah Berlin creates a taxonomy of
thinkers based on a line from Archilochus: ‘The
fox knows many things, but the hedgehog knows one big thing.’ The thinkers who
know one thing are, in Berlin’s view, systematic thinkers. All thought tends to
the center, among them, the one big thing that explains the world. The Foxes
are anti-systematic. They are essayists, explorers of the intersections of
thought and experience, from the scope of which they take it no principle can
absorb experience without something stubborn and unabsorbed remaining from that
experience – what Thomas Nagel calls the quality of “what it is to be like”…
Now evidently,
Berlin is using the hedgehog image as a way into talking about the mindset of
certain writers, and in particular, of Tolstoy. Tolstoy has to an extreme
degree the fox’s virtue, which is to understand the difference made by
experience, by what it is to be like – and he has to an extreme degree the
hedgehog’s vice, which is a thirst for the god’s eye view that will not rest
until everything has been settled according to some central principle.
However, what gets a
little lost here is why Archilochus chose the hedgehog, of all creatures, to
represent the systematic viewpoint – if Berlin’s interpretation is right.
There is, perhaps,
another way of looking at the hedgehog’s emblematic meaning. In Schlegel’s
Fragments – which is, among other thing, a defense of the Fragment as a genre
of philosophical knowledge - the
hedgehog, Igel in German, reappears – perhaps in some reference to
Archilochus’s line:
“A fragment must be
like a tiny artwork, wholly sundered from the surrounding world and complete in
itself like a hedgehog.”
What Schlegel’s
image proposes is not that the one great thing the hedgehog knows absorbs the
world – rather, it separates a tiny, particular experience from the world and
completes it. The paradoxical stress, here, is between the fragment and perfect
or complete closure [in sich selbst vollendet sein]. While Berlin’s does not
begin his essay by asking about what it is, in the hedgehog, that leads to the
“one big thing’ he knows, Schlegel – whether consciously referencing
Archilochus or not – returns to the ethological, or perhaps I should say ethnological, base of the comparison. [After
I wrote this, I discovered that Anthony
Grafton had been here before me – noticing this echo, too, in an essay on
fragments in the classical tradition]
Stephen Gould,
writing about Archilochus’s image, quotes Erasmus’s latin translation, which
preserved the image in the humanist curicculum: multa novit vulpes, verum echinus unum magnum. Gould also,
rightly, goes to Pliny for some sense of what the hedgehog meant to the
ancients. However, Pliny deserves to be quoted at length, for it is in Pliny
that we get a sense of the hedgehog figuring in a certain kind of game or work
– that of hunting. This aspect is neglected in Gould’s essay.
“When
they perceive one hunting of them, they draw their mouths & feet close
togither, with all their belly part, where the skin hath a thin down: & no
pricks at all to do harme, and so roll themselves as round as a foot-ball, that
neither dog nor man can come by any thing but their sharpe-pointed prickles. So
soon as they see themselves past all hope to escape, they let their water go
and pisse upon themselves. Now this urine of theirs hath a poisonous qualitie
to rot their skin and prickles, for which they know well enough that they be
chased and taken. And therefore it is a secret and a special pollicie, not to
hunt them before they have let their urine go; and then their skin is verie
good, for which chiefly they are hunted: otherwise it is naught ever after and
so rotten, that it will not hang togither, but fall in peeces: all the pricks
shed off, as being putrified, yea although they should escape away from the
dogs and live still: and this is the cause that they never bepisse and drench
themselves with this pestilent excrement, but in extremitie and utter despaire:
for they cannot abide themselves their own urine, of so venimous a qualitie it
is, and so hurtfull to their owne bodie; and doe what they can to spare
themselves, attending the utmost time of extremitie, insomuch as they are ready
to be taken before they do it.”
This
habit of the hedgehog – or at least this trait attributed to the hedgehog –
puts us closer to the particular knowledge possessed by the hedgehog, in
Archilochus’s verse. It is knowledge in a field – the field of hunting – and
the hedgehog, far from being the systematic master, is the victim, the object
of the chase. The domain of hunting seems to be behind the
fables that Archilochus uses as his references – fables now obscure to us,
although we still know the stock of them labeled with the name of their
supposed author, Aesop.
One of the reasons
Berlin poses the question of Tolstoy’s philosophy of history and how seriously
we are to take it is that he is concerned, as one of the premier Cold War
intellectuals, with Marx’s philosophy of history. What he wants to know is whether
it is possible to get the hedgehog’s view of history outside of the reification
of history – that is, outside of an explanation of causes (attributed to
“history’’) that is merely an affirmation of effects. The nineteenth century in
which he places Tolstoy was hypnotized by the verb, ‘determine’. That x
‘determines’ y seemed to say something more profound about y’s connection to x
than to say x causes y. Determine – in German, Bestimmung – announces a power
relationship that quickly slides into myth – the myth of the relation between
creator, who shapes, and the creature, who lives within the creator’s lines,
the creator’s survey plat.
“History alone – the
sum of empirically discoverable data – held the key to the mystery of why
what happened
happened as it did and not otherwise; and only history, consequently, could
throw light on the fundamental ethical problems which obsessed him as they did
every Russian thinker in the nineteenth century.What is to be done? How should
one live? Why are we here?What must we be and do? The study of historical
connections and the demand for empirical answers to these proklyatye voprosy1 became fused into
one in Tolstoy’s mind, as his early diaries and letters show very vividly.”
Berlin is moving his
pieces forward in the essay in broad, easy gestures, which has the advantage of
making his essay accessible and interesting, and the disadvantage that comes
from refusing to nitpick: that is, gliding over certain philosophically
important issues. In particular, the junction of empirical and positivist does
a lot of work for Berlin in the essay, even as one has to question its
self-evidence. Positivism was not simply about the empirical – it was about
progress. It was about a pattern in history that is above the empirical, the scatter
of facts. Similarly, the romantic
protest against the great
anti-metaphysical writers of the eighteenth century was not, as Berlin actually
knew, simply a rejection of science. Schlegel was not rejecting science so much
as questioning its universal application – the fragment, in Schlegel’s view,
presents a sort of monadic block to the statistical method of science. It
doesn’t transcend the empirical – far from it. It dwells in the empirical, it
weighs down experience with all its force, it presents its ‘bristles’ to the
world like a hedgehog. And it does so in the consciousness that it is being
hunted. For science, here, is no neutral social mechanism – it is used with
definite aims.
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