Philosophers present arguments; other people, lower in the
pecking order, just argue.
Among the meanings of the Latin verb, arguere, is blame a
person for a crime. In Roman law, this is the initial moment in the process of
bringing the defendant to trial. James Ayto, in his book Word Origins, takes
the arg back to its putative Indo-European origins, where it means white or
bright – silvery, as in the French l’argent. How one hop skips and jumps from
the silvery moon to “presenting a thesis” is one of those moments in which
etymology most slavishly follows an enlightenment ideology, even though it
means reasoning by wild analogies. Another etymological school holds that the
Hittites, my fave mystery civilization, were at the bottom of the word, with arkuuae
– to make a plea. In this history, the quarreling and blaming emotion hidden in
argument came out, in English, long after the legal use of the term.
Perhaps: or perhaps, because etymology depends so much on
written texts, the legal sense of argument was followed or even proceeded by
the ordinary sense of blame. Of course, even on the high cultural plane,
argument has a passive aggressive social significance. Anybody who has been in
a lounge in a philosophy department and heard “arguments” in favor of, say,
realism can testify that blaming is a large part of philosophical reasoning. Yet it is rare to hear anybody speak in favor of
blaming as a guide to practical reasoning, much less reasoning.
In the twentieth century, argument has seemed to some philosophers
to be too legal, too formal, to encompass what philosophy does. That last
silvery glimmer of “wisdom” is drowned in the arg-ument, according to this
view. So there are other candidates to take argument’s place: conversation,
dialogue, discourse, deliberation. Martin Buber in the 1920s was proposing dialogue,
or, really, conversation. Mikhel Bakhtin, who was the great proponent of
plurivocity, claimed that Buber was the greatest philosopher of the 20th
century ... “and perhaps in this puny century, perhaps the sole philosopher on
the scene.” Bakhtin was obviously impressed with the book Buber published after
I and Thou – Zweisprache, translated as “Dialogue” and included in a collection
in English with the very pipesmokin’ title of Between Man and Man.
Richard Rorty ended up, as well, advocating for “conversation”
and even dissolving philosophy into conversation. In the Consequences of Pragmatism,
he wrote that his conception of pragmatism “...is the doctrine that there are
no constraints on inquiry save conversational ones — no wholesale constraints
derived from the nature of the objects, or of the mind, or of language, but
only those retail constraints provided by the remarks of our fellow inquirers.”
This seems to give inquiry over to its circumstances without a thought for how
those circumstances came to be or how conversation influences and changes them,
and maybe Rorty would say that since we have the sciences, which do inquire
into and make our social circumstances, then philosophical inquiry just goes on
in reference to this greater circumstance.
Or maybe he would not. Myself, I think that democracy
produces a difficult mixed mode of discourse, in which argument – the presentation
of a thesis – and arguing – the fixing of blame – compete and mate with each
other. One of the sociologically interesting things to me about the vids
showing the Capitol rioters is that so many of them are so prompt to make
speeches. The speeches are, very often, very badly argued, because argument has
become almost completely a quick finding of blame – blame for a crime that
these people feel has been committed against them. I don’t think that crime is
the stealing of the election, which is the surface prompt for the violence. But
stealing is definitely at the core of it, the sensation of being the victims of
a steal even as they steal. And this poses some interesting questions about how
arguing and argument work within an ethos framed by the Atlantic revolutions in
the 18th century.
I’d like it to be the case that Buber has discovered the
magic key to lead us out of this moronic inferno. Notoriously, the I and Thou
was shattered in the Germany he lived in. And Buber was not happy with the Israel
he helped to found, since the conversation there turned exclusionary.
If it isn’t a magic key, though, it is certainly suggestive
as to how the current political situation not only in the U.S., but everywhere
in the old democracies, can be understood.
I’m big on the
understanding front, since I suck on the persuasion front. Perhaps there is no
politics of the “thou” – the kingdom of the you is inside you. It is from the
lack of politics that we can work towards politics, maybe. Maybe.
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