What would American history look like if the Republican party
had been banned in the U.S. in the 1970s, its leaders jailed, or hunted down by
the police? What would it look like if certain of them had been tortured or
died?
Well, it would look a hell of a lot different.
This is why events like military seizures of power, or CIA supported
coups, have had such a devastating effect on the histories of multititudinous
countries. The suppression of a political party, or the banning of an ideology,
can have major effects. Even after “democratic” procedures are re-applied, the
swerve taken by a country, what is allowable, contains a limit, an internal
place that can’t be trespassed.
I was catching up with the NYRBs lately – too much to read,
the info just floods in! – and I came across a review of a Suzy Hansen’s Notes on a Foreign Country. Hansen expatriated to Turkey in the 00s,
leaving Bush’s country behind. Gradually she began to see that American foreign
policy had left a lot of damage around, for instance in Turkey. For the NYTR
critic, a little of this was too much -
it was like “heavy-handed” Noam Chomsky – and he thinks he has a killer
argument:
“A more pervasive problem concerns the way Hansen presents
people living under American influence in countries such as Turkey. They are
not as victimized as Hansen wants us to believe. In every free election held in
Turkey since 1950, Turks have elected the party that offers an American-style
modernizing agenda that combines capitalist and religious freedoms, even though
they are well aware of American intervention during the cold war. Turkey’s
Communists and Marxists (many of whom were jailed and killed in the 1970s and
1980s) may have the moral high ground in their critiques of American
imperialism, but there is little popular support for them, at least at the
ballot box.”
The pervasive problem with this paragraph is, of course, that you don’t
hold a free election now and then and think, wow, we’ve really surveyed the
popular will! If Ronald Reagan had been jailed and killed in the 1970s, to use
my example above, he would certainly not have been the people’s choice in 1980.
(I’m not going into whether the modernizing agenda chosen by Turkey was
American-style or Kemalist – the description of what the ruling parties did in
Turkey is at some variance with what we know about the pressure exerted on
Turkey after the cold war to privatize and induce what Naomi Klein justly calls
the “Shock Doctrine”).
This paragraph, to me, has a value that exceeds its place in a passing
review: it really represents the blind spot of the foreign policy consensus in
America, the contradiction between the imperialist enterprise and the
democratic claim. It is one of the reasons that the #resistance to Trump has
fallen back on the most absurd Cold War rhetoric: the “sides” in American
foreign policy are all about how America should express its aggression, not
whether it should express its aggression.
That can’t go on forever.
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