Labour failed in
the most basic ways. They had four years to develop a counternarrative, but
instead developed a counter-excuse: "we were so austerian, as austerian as
you!" Basically, if you can't capitalize on the reserve of good feeling
for government agencies like National Health and the reserve of bad feelings
for privatized agencies, like the train system (ooops, that dittoed under Blair),
then you should not play ball.
There are good
defeats and bad defeats. A good defeat is one that lays the ideological
groundwork for the future. A bad defeat is one that leaves behind a wreckage of
opportunism and users. The Labour defeat (why actually are they still called
Labour?) is of the second variety. It was hard to care when, as was obvious
months ago, they had succeeded in turning certain victory into defeat. Running
on a blairite message of nudgery and sticking to austerity against a tory party
that was also running on a blairite message, they lost lost lost. And then,
too, there was the repulsive - to my mind - Milliband, who has the look and
feel of an upper class jerk.
So why didn’t
Labour hammer austerity? Well, you have to talk about why the Great Slump
happened if you are truly going to hammer austerity. And that means you have to
talk about the City - which were and are great friends of the Blairites. There
is a stupid analytic habit of thinking of elections as separate events from the
rest of the political flow. They aren't. By choosing to softpedal the problems
caused by the City, Labour backed itself into a corner long ago. Plus, of
course, they have to bear the burden of the insane and wicked foreign policy of
the Blair years. Given these burdens, one had to mark Labour down as the
underdog from the beginning. The excuse that it was mean old Murdochian media
that put them down won't work - Labour's victories have traditionally come
against the establishment press – the one exception being Blair, and we know
the sacrifices that Blair’s endorsement imposed. To face that media attack requires
being nurturing of a structure that can withstand it and attack back -
organized labour – to create a counternarrative. Blair (whose victories were a
disaster for Labour) carefully cut the tie to labour. While Ed Balls retreat on
austerity was bad in the campaign, it was the symptom of a wholesale
disintegration of the old labour structure.
A good case in point is transportation. Have you ever ridden on a London bus or a british train? They are awful and much, much more expensive than theircounterparts on the continent.
A good case in point is transportation. Have you ever ridden on a London bus or a british train? They are awful and much, much more expensive than theircounterparts on the continent.
But the
thatcherism that Blair adopted and passed on to his successors disallows any
discussion of the issue of privatisation - which was accomplished, in the UK,
after the Thatcher government thoroughly trashed the service and maintenance of
the nationalized train system. A simple populist program that would call for
comparable pricing to the norm in the EU would actually have put money in the
pockets of the wage class. But it would have offended the city, and the
blairites, and so it can't even be spoken. Instead, the pledge was a process
one of handing power over buses back to regional authorities and blah blah
blah. It was typical of the thrd way style: a lot of boring process talk to get
around offending the moneyed.
I think this election is a premonitory of the next pseudo-left
wipeout, in France. The PS has set itself up for one of those defeats it will
be hard to survive. Unfortunately, we will have a rightwing Europe to contend
with in the next decade. Unfortunately, too, it won’t look much different than
if we had a pseudo-left Europe to contend with in the next decade. No
alternative, once a slogan, is now a cancer.
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