Almost all the titles are lost. That is, almost all the
titles of the ancient Egyptian texts that we now possess are lost. “The title
of the book, a summary of its contents, or the opening words, were at times
written on the reverse side or at the outside of the scroll’s beginning, with
the name of the author (“made by”) immediately after it. As scrolls generally
lost their edges first, few titles have comedown to us. Fewer authors were
identified..Sometimes, however, lists of titltes were written on the walls of
temples or pyramids,though the books themselves have not survived. Small deeds
and other documents at times were provided with titles. Onne book of the dead
was entitled “Book of the Coming into the Day of Osiris Gathesehen, daughter of
Mekheperre.” Long texts were sometimes divided by the chapter numbers, marked
by ht, “house”.” (Leila Avrin, 91)
It has been a long time since Jacques Derrida published the
chapters of On Grammatology concerning Rousseau and writing in Critique.
Since that time, the phonocentric, logocentric paradigm in anthropology and
archaeology has definitely shifted. The latest researchers on ancient
Mesopotamia refer to a “cuneiform culture”, in which, contrary to the older
school that saw writing as a tool captured by a scribal elite, literacy spread.
Or a form of literacy, for literacy as
a uniform thing, a single kind of learned capacity, has been well and truly
debunked, as archaeologists have made sense of the data they possess that show
multiple forms of script and signs within script ‘domains’; they have also come
to terms with such discoveries as that of Nippur and Isin, where the majority
of houses so far excavated have turned up texts. Furthermore, archaeologists
are now more interested in the evolution of
script types that went along with the evolution of materials on which
the script could be impressed, scratched or painted, as cursive, a select
number of syllobograms, and lighter materials that were easier to correct led
to the invention of the personal and
business letter.
In the sixties and seventies, the Mesopotamian evidence
suggested to some researchers, like Walter Ong and Jack Goody, that the
invention of writing operated to change the very cognitive style of human
beings. Goody’s essay on the list is The Domestication of the Savage Mind is
still a tour de force survey of the effects of the text, although as he admits,
his earlier notion of the text was too tied into the phonetic alphabet, which
is seen as “easier” and more flexible to use, thus leading to the ability to
“write down one’s thoughts.” This may actually be a property of the material
one writes them down on and what one writes with – at least, the archaeologists
coming after Goody have found that qualities he attributes to alphabetical
writing are certainly present in pictographic or logographic systems.
Here is the central claim, I think, Goody makes about lists:
“My concern here is to show that these written forms were
not simply by-products of the interaction between writing and, say, the economy,
filling some hitherto hidden “need”, but that they represented a significant
change not only in the nature of transactions, but also in the ‘modes of thought’ that accompanied them, at least
if we interpret ‘modes of thought’in terms of the formal, cognitive and
linguistic operations which this new technology of the intellect opened up.”
The idea, here, is not that writing itself changes modes of
thought, but that writing devises do – hence, the importance of the list, or
the written number. Marc Bloch, the most prominent opponent of Goody’s, has
used his fieldwork in Madagascar to construct a case in which literacy, and in
particular listing texts (for instance, genealogies) do not organize cultural
“modes of thought”, but exist as regions within a largely oral culture. Bloch,
in turn, has been attacked for the way he has elevated certain observations
into generalities – that is, the way he has evolved what Clifford Geertz calls
the “deep text.”
The title, I think, has not yet been enough looked at in
this context – or Babel, depending on how you come down on the importance of
ecriture. Certainly in oral contexts there are titles, but they seem, at least
in my experience, to be very loose things. A typical titling episode would be x
telling y to “tell that story about x” – with the title here being the “story
about”. And in as much as this stimulus does hook onto a story, it does one of
the works of calling a name – you call a name and the named thing comes. So too
does the story. Interestingly, though, the “story about”, while it can tend
towards a stereotypic norm (the story about the priest, the story about Mavis
X, etc.) often varies in its composition. Similarly, titles can occur in oral
speech that announce what is coming – not what has already been circulated. So,
for instance, a person can be called into the office of his or her superior and
the latter can say, I’ve called you in to talk about your tardiness (an example
taken from my own life!). The monologue or dialogue that ensues has, vaguely,
the title, “about X’s inability to get to work on time”.
All of which is merely to say that oral speech does have
self-labeling moments. Thus, when texts get titled, we are not speaking of a
completely different communicative form from that which occurs in the oral
quotidian. But I want to argue that the title is “freed” by the text, by
ecriture. While it fulfills certain labeling functions, it also proceeds
towards something as new, something resembling the name of a person, rather
than the label of a person. When John Stuart Mill claimed that the proper name
was a description, he was conflating label and name. And there is some warrant
for that in names: the smith gets name Smith. But what Mill ignores, as a
philosopher, is what is obvious to the sociologist: the name is enmeshed in
what it means to be familiar with, to know, to love, to hate, etc. The name is
not just used to label. Before children learn to use pronominal shifters, they
often self-label – or so I have been assured by numerous mothers. Robert says,
that chocolate is Robert’s, rather than that chocolate is mine, because “Robert” is taken by the child to be
an extension of himself in a way that “mine” – that code that refers to its
message, to the tie between the individual word and the language system in
which it is located – is not. “Mine” seems to be a communal dish which anyone
can grab between their fingers and bite into
– “Robert’s” is a special snack reserved for Robert.
Textual devises don’t seem to have that same
self-reflexivity. They seem to be labeling all the way down, so to speak. And
yet if this is so, the title would simply be a label.
We know that this isn’t so. I would call this, the (en)titling
instance, the moment in which the scribe enters into literature, in the
broadest sense (visual, aural, scripted). The tradition that ascribes to the
scribe a monopoly of power over the written meets, in this moment arising
thieflike from within the devise itself, an inner movement that structurally breaks
the monopoly.
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