“I’m so bored. I hate my life.” - Britney Spears
Das Langweilige ist interessant geworden, weil das Interessante angefangen hat langweilig zu werden. – Thomas Mann
"Never for money/always for love" - The Talking Heads
Monday, December 23, 2024
Huddling
Saturday, December 21, 2024
Reviewing, a retrospective
I’ve done my time as a book reviewer. I’ve lived in the foxhole, or the book-reviewer’s equivalent: an efficiency apartment overflowing with reviewer copies of books, books in every corner, books on the desk, the table, the bed, books like a madness or some fungus.
Thursday, December 19, 2024
private lives, impersonal authors
Sunday, December 15, 2024
Leo (Tolstoy) and Luigi (Mangeone)
Both anatomy and belles-lettres are of equally noble
descent; they have identical goals and an identical enemy—the devil… - Anton
Chekhov
Assassination is a fact of political history.
For instance: on Sunday, June 29th, 1900, King Umberto of
Italy visited Monza, a little town near Milan where he had a residence, and attended
mass, there. In the afternoon, he distributed prizes at a local sporting event.
He awarded the gold medal, and got into his carriage. There his body received
the brunt of four bullets from a 9-millimeter Harrington & Richardson
pistol wielded by Gaetano Bresci, who had come from America precisely to do
that. Umberto died almost immediately.
From the NYT: “The 30-year-old Bresci had emigrated from
Milan two years before. He was a silk weaver at the Hamil & Booth Mill on
Spruce Street in Paterson, where he was regarded by his boss as "a good
worker who never caused trouble." He had married an American woman from
Chicago, Sophie Neil, and had a baby daughter. His wife later described him as
"a loving husband and father."
Among his other acts, King Umberto had approved of a police
action that resulted in the massacre of hundreds of revolting factory workers
in Mila: known as the Bava Beccaris massacre, after the General that had
ordered it. King Umberto gave the general a medal.
Bresci belonged to a small anarchist group in Patterson, New
Jersey. He looked around him and saw that the “deed” – the assassination of
those who assassinated the workers – was an ongoing happening. Inspired, he
purchased his pistol and a ticket for Italy.
Tolstoy wrote an article about King “Humbert’s” murder, entitled: Thou shalt
not kill. The article is included in Recollections and Essays, translated
by Maude Aylmer. With that title, one
expects the usual liberal denunciation of murder. But it doesn’t take that
route. Today, if a comparable article was written about the killing of Brian
Thompson, it would certainly get him as roundly denounced today – for his moral
relativism and moral equivalences, his objective support for terrorism. One can
imagine the quacking of a thousand ducks, and the op ed space accorded to them.
It definitely got him denounced by the establishment back in 1900. It’s bold
premise is that we should not be shocked that we sow what we reap. The
connection between our previous acts and our present circumstances – the tie of
social karma – is always gripped tightly by Tolstoy. Thou Shalt Not Kill begins
like this:
“When Kings are executed after trial, as in the case of Charles L, Louis XVI.,
and Maximilian of Mexico; or when they are killed in Court conspiracies, like.
Peter Ill., Paul, and various Sultans, Shahs, and Khans-little is said about
it; but when they are killed without a trial and without a Court conspiracy- as
in the case of Henry IV. of France, Alexander ll., the Empress of Austria, the
late Shah of Persia, and, recently, Humbert- such murders excite the greatest
surprise and indignation among Kings and Emperors and their adherents, just as
if they themselves never took part in murders, nor profited by them, nor
instigated them. But, in fact, the mildest of the murdered Kings (Alexander 11.
or Humbert, for instance), not to speak of executions in their own countries,
were instigators of, and accomplices and partakers in, the murder of tens of
thousands of men who perished on the field of battle ; while more cruel Kings
and Emperors have been guilty of hundreds of thousands, and even millions, of
murders.”
Tolstoy pursues his theme without any preliminaries. Shaw once wrote that
Tolstoy, seeing that pre-war European society was, as it were, sitting in a
room into which poisonous gas was seeping, applied the remedies you’d apply in
cases of gas poisoning – seizing the victim by the scruff of the neck and
marching him around and around over his vociferous protests. Here’s the way
Tolstoy seizes the victim:
“The teaching of Christ repeals the law, 'An eye for an eye, and a tooth for a
tooth'; but those who have always clung to that law, and still cling to it, and
who apply it to a terrible degree-not only claiming an eye for an eye,' but
without provocation decreeing the slaughter of thousands, as they do when they
declare war- have no right to be indignant at the application of that same law
to themselves in so small and insignificant a degree that hardly one King or
Emperor is killed for each hundred thousand, or perhaps even for each million,
who are killed by the order and with the consent of Kings and Emperors.”
Tolstoy’s point is that choosing to apply a barbaric law thrusts you into a
barbaric world. Barbarism starts at the top. You, the establishment, have dug your own grave. If a Civilization
rests on top of thousands or millions of such graves, what is it worth? And
Tolstoy is not one who is going to dicker with the thin membrane, spun of a
thousand casuistries, that separates war from murder. His description of the
army and of Mission Accomplishing heads of states is still effective:
“The crowd are so hypnotized that they see what is going on before their eyes,
but do not understand its meaning. They see what constant care Kings, Emperors,
and Presidents devote to their disciplined armies; they see the reviews,
parades, and manaeuvres the rulers hold, about which they boast to one another;
and the people crowd to see their own brothers, brightly dressed up in fools'
clothes, turned into machines to the sound of drum and trumpet, all, at the
shout of one man, making one and the same movement at one and the same
moment-but they do not understand what it all means. Yet the meaning of this
drilling is very clear and simple: it is nothing but a preparation for killing.
It is stupefying men in order to make them fit instruments for murder. And
those who do this, who chiefly direct this and are proud of it, are the Kings,
Emperors and Presidents. And it is just these men- who are specially occupied
in organizing murder and who have made murder their profession, who wear
military uniforms and carry murderous weapons (swords) at their sides-that are
horrified and indignant when one of themselves is murdered.”
In his polemical work, Tolstoy often uses words depicting some form of altered
consciousness – hypnotized, stupefied, drunk. The formalist critic, Victor
Skhlovsky, in a famous essay in 1919, Art as Technique, used Tolstoy as an
example of an artist who can make an object, act or gesture strange by
rearranging the way we see it. The essay begins, beautifully, with some
generalizations about automatism that apply not just to Tolstoy’s moral
vocabulary, but to the connection between Tolstoy’s art and the sense of shock
that runs through his polemical essays – that ties them, in ways that
Tolstoy might not have admitted or understood, to his most aesthetic works:
“If we start to examine the general laws of perception, we
see that as perception becomes habitual, it becomes automatic. Thus, for
example, all of our habits retreat into the area of the unconsciously
automatic; if one remembers the sensations of holding a pen or of speaking in a
foreign language for the first time and compares that with his feeling at
performing the action for the ten thousandth time, he will agree with us. Such
habituation explains the principles by which, in ordinary speech, we leave phrases
unfinished and words half expressed. In this process, ideally realized in
algebra, things are replaced by symbols. Complete words are not expressed in
rapid speech; their initial sounds are barely perceived. Alexander Pogodin
offers the example of a boy considering the sentence "The Swiss mountains
are beautiful" in the form of a series of letters: T, S, m, a, b. [1]
This characteristic of thought not only suggests the method of algebra, but
even prompts the choice of symbols (letters, especially initial letters). By
this "algebraic" method of thought we apprehend objects only as
shapes with imprecise extensions; we do not see them in their entirety but
rather recognize them by their main characteristics. We see the object as
though it were enveloped in a sack. We know what it is by its configuration,
but we see only its silhouette. The object, perceived thus in the manner of
prose perception, fades and does not leave even a first impression; ultimately
even the essence of what it was is forgotten. Such perception explains why we
fail to hear the prose word in its entirety (see Leo Jakubinsky's article[2])
and, hence, why (along with other slips of the tongue) we fail to pronounce it.
The process of "algebrization," the over-automatization of an object,
permits the greatest economy of perceptive effort. Either objects are assigned
only one proper feature - a number, for example - or else they function as
though by formula and do not even appear in cognition.”
‘We see the object as though it were enveloped in a sack.” Surely Skhlovsky
must have been thinking of the death of Ivan Ivanovich, who feels a sack
closing about himself as he dies. The sack connects automatism to death – and
it is a desperate struggle to get out of the sack, to get out of this life of
sacks, that I see in Tolstoy – a struggle that constitutes the whole of his
moral eminence.
We all must struggle to get out of the sack. It is the
political cause of our time.
Friday, December 13, 2024
calasso on the singular book
Roberto Calasso is a writer who has had too much influence on me: I like knowledge, book reading, broken into a wilderness of mirrors and re-assembled. Many of his books have a little too much gaseous material – and politically, as well, I have always considered him one of those “New Philosopher” types who rejected Marx because of Pol Pot or something – which struck me as showing a very thin knowledge of Marx.
Wednesday, December 11, 2024
Our terrorist/our hero: Luigi Magione
On January 5, 1943, the Paris papers all agreed: another act of terrorism
As reported by Le Cri de Peuple, Madame Claire Vioix, a concierge, 7 rue Neuve Popincourt, received a visit from two men. The were let in by her boy. She went with them into the courtyard.
“It was then that her young boy heard a shot…”
According to the Emancipation Nationale, the cowardly murder happened on Sunday, at 7 p.m. The daughter of Madame Vioix, according to the same paper, was a member of the Jeunesse Populaire Francaise. They opened a register, a sign- up sheet where citizens could inscribe their name and their indignant sentiments. Madame Vioix was an activist in the PPF, the Petit Parisien noted, and the mother of four children.
L'oeuvre noted that she had received several threatening letters.
The funeral cortege was graced with officials from her party, the government, and the police.
Reading the account of the terrorist murder in Le Cri de Peuple, one discovers that Madame Claire Vioix was a 'patriot', a true citizen of the occupation:
“A P.P.F. activist, Mme Vioix never hid her opinions. Thus, she never missed an occasion to call to order, in the waiting lines, the Jews, who were not conforming to the regulations.”
Exemplary woman, as we can see.
Reading the officially allowed French newspapers during the occupation is a good exercise. It helps you, in a sense, see how a term like terrorist is picked up and used. It helps you see that “normal” things like the regulations allow one to remind the Jews of them – Jews that one sees, with some satisfaction, rounded up from the streets – although in the eleventh she would not have seen the “rafle” she would have seen in the Marais.
Le Cri de Peuple last mentioned the fallen heroine, Vioix, in June of 1944, when the PPF had a cortege to pay homage to the martyrs of “Jewish capitalism”. No mention is made of reprisal. Apparently, the terrorists – who were also labelled communists – had escaped retribution.
Although surely the price on their head was high enough, nobody snitched on them.
As though moved by the spirit of the assassinated Vioix, the Cris de la Peuple reported in May 20, 1943, the following: “Jews were forbidden to go to the official state pawn shop, the Hotel des Ventes. “Thus there should be an end to the scandalous black market trade of Jewish second hand goods dealers who corrupt the price regulations. However, for some time, we have seen reappear on Rue Douot some disquieting figures, individuals who do not wear the star and use borrowed names for signing the checks that they use to pay for their purchases.
This must be put a stop to.”
Now, neither Vioix nor, say, health insurance executives, nor the newspaper participated in the murder of anyone specifically, although condoning it generally. And the two “communist” terrorists did murder someone specific, who was condoning a general massacre. The latter action is not the kind of action we should need in an order that was fair, solidaire, and just. But, as Dickens or Lloyd Garrison might have put it, there are higher courts than the courts of law, and those two French terrorists – or resistors – were its instruments.
So: of what is, or was, a CEO of a mega Health Insurance Company the instrument?
2.
In the 60s, it was popular to say that "society" was to blame for crime. This has fallen out of fashion. Yet in the case of the assassination of Brian Thompson, this seems close to the truth. It is American society, its politics, economics, and media that allowed a man like Brian Thompson in a company like United Healthcare unparalleled power over the life and death of millions of people. They abused that power as much as they could, and we watched, and knew. We knew about the algorithms, we knew about the medical bankruptcies, we knew about the pain, pointless misery, and the barbarous second guessing of doctors by people with a high school knowledge of biology. We knew about the trail of death that leads directly to the offices of United Healthcare. We knew and did nothing and Luigi M. did something.
To put it another way: if Brian Thompson, in the streets of
NYC, had smashed himself down repeatedly onto the body of Luigi Mangioni,
damaging his spine for life, he would have been arrested and jailed. But
instead, phone callers from Thompson's division of United Healthcare just
denied and delayed back pain care, so it is all good. Well, it isn't good. If
you like your healthcare insurance, as President Smooth put it, you can keep
your healthcare insurance. He didn't add: as they kill and maim other clients. That's
the unspoken part.
There are few cases where America, as it is now, is directly on trial. But this is definitely one of them.
Monday, December 09, 2024
"The natural outlawry of women"
In a famous
passage in Marx’s Grundrisse, Marx wrote about the character form introduced by
money: “The exchangeability of all products, services, relationships against a
third, material one, which can without exception be exchanged – thus the
development of exchange value (and the money relationship) is identical with
general venality, corruption. General prostitution appears as a necessary phase
of the development of the social character of personal resources, faculties,
abilities, activities. More politely expressed: the universal relationships of
exploitation and need.”
The
Grundrisse was published by the Marx Engels institute, after its discovery
among the manuscripts, in the 1930s. Long after the publication of Emmy
Hennings Branded (or Stigma – Der Brandmal). This journal of a prostitute is
easily assimilated into Emmy Hennings own life, but it is written as and
conceived as a novel. The protagonist is, like Hennings, an actress and dancer,
who is “guided” to prostitution by a man who provides her with the money to
live. When we first meet her, she is on the verge of starvation – and nobody is
going to feed her for free. Her use value at this point seems to be nill. The
man who buys her food, however, sees a use and exchange value in her. And the
narrator – without using the word prostitution – soon “has” money.
In a very
brilliant bit (the book, written in the high style of the expressionists, is
full of brilliant bits), the narrator has a sort of revery in which she becomes
money – the coin or paper bill in her hand or pocket. And the money that she
is, is everywhere, throughout the town. She is as available, as widespread, as
common, as money.
“I would
really like to know if money is the only visible sign of my “fallen state”
(Verwarhlosung). Money in my pocket appears, to me at least, questionable. More
and more suspicious. Money is disgrace, the most overt sign of scandal. I clean
my money with a pocket tissue before I put it in harmless hands; thus, it is at
least externally clean. The money is always false, but even so, it works
capitally as exchange. There is no real (echtes) money, I tell myself. It would
be only by chance that such a thing could be called real. What one exchanges is
always something other. I can not, however, so subjectively make these value
judgments. I have ordered a roll and a cup of coffee, and for this I put down
my insane ten mark piece on the marble table. For this ten mark piece I will
lay myself on the table, I will pay with myself Thus I lay a ringing gold coin
on the table. And am I just this? Can one compare oneself with a gold piece?
Me? Still I have something glimmering in me.”
To be
identical to one’s pocket money – and at the same time, not to be identified
with it, as it is purely exchangeable. Hennings’ prostitute experiences, due to
her position, the impossible identity of the capitalist subject, who is what
she earns. Prostitutes exist in the pores of the system – especially back in
prewar Europe, half ancien regime, half industrial treadmill of production. In
those pores, consumer culture is being transformed, and that transformation is
the landscape of bars and restaurants and rent for the hour rooms, the places
where eating, drinking and fucking is going on, the place of the transitory,
where the narrator (we find that she is named Dagney, or at least uses that
name, a third of the way into the book, when she records a conversation) is
most at home, and most homeless. “I or the money? What a phantasmagoric,
licenced swindle (Schwindel – also, vertigo).” Licenced, pantentierte – as in
the licence to be a freelance prostitute.
In a sense,
I read this book, or encounter it, with too much knowledge, since I know that
this is a chapter not only from Dagny’s life, but Emmy Hennings. Though I might
be clever enough to think that no piece of money is really authentic, I can be
dull enough, as many a reviewer has been, to think that the woman who writes
the journal in the novel is actually Hennings. Memoir, and not fiction.
Hennings, however, was a writer with high talents, and if this journal is
Dagney’s, I think we can assume that, at least for the author, Dagney’s life is
not merely her shadow. Role-playing, who would know better? This is, in a
sense, the way expressionist fiction often crossed the boundary between life
and art, but not so that we can so directly privilege the former without losing
a crucial nuance. The former only gains its value – its desperation is earned –
only if it can be poured into the latter. Hamsun, Hennings contemporary, also
put his adventures in Copenhagen in Hunger, yet that is read as a novel, and I think
it is on that model that Hennings was working. The intensity of a life, the
“glimmer” that is not in the gold piece, provides an illumination within the
novel, which is a fictive in its gestures, its specifics, its self-reflection.
Prison, another of Hennings novels, is bound up with Branded: the former novel
also lifts a chapter, or chapters, from her real life. Hennings had short stays
in prison, once for “stealing” – apparently, some client didn’t want to pay, so
she took her pay and the client went to the police. She wrote Prison in 1918,
and her partner, Hugo Ball, read it: “I now live as quietly as though in a
cell. Your book, my dear, lies in my arms and legs. It entered my blood like a
poison. I am a by no means contemptible public; it will have a wide effect.”
I don’t know
if Grisélidis Réal, the Swiss prostitute and poet who militated for sex workers
rights in the seventies, read Hennings Branded. And I’m almost sure that
Colette, Hennings contemporary, never read her work, and may never have heard
of her. All three, however, share an outlook, which is novelistically summoned
by Christina Stead in her portrait of Henny Pollit, the wife and sworn enemy of
Sam Pollit in The Man who loved Children: “the natural outlawry of womankind.”
If law is founded in the will of the people, this outlawry is simply a fact:
women have been denied full citizenship for millenia. Under the boot of the
law, but never of the law. This chthonic postulate is hard to reconcile with
feminism, with a feminism that has been so much about the law, within the law.
It does inject a certain scepticism, not so much of nature but of history, into
any feminist dogma. It is no accident that Hennings novels (Branded, Prison)
are so concerned with the justice and the injustice of the law. And reflect her
curious Catholic anarchism.
Hennings
reflections on money might well have been influenced by reading Bakunin. Hugo
Ball notes he was reading Bakunin’s The Paris Commune and the idea of the state
in 1915, when he and Hennings were starting the Cabaret Voltaire in Zurich.
From Ball’s
letter to a friend: ’Socialism, life with and in the people – at the moment
Emmy Hennings and I are playing in a small suburban Variete. We have snake
charmers, fire-eaters and ropewalker, everything one could wish for. One looks
deeply into life here. One is poor, and yet very enriched.”
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